The Ideology of Philanthropy

Massive not-for-profit corporations, like the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller foundations, that were created by the world’s leading capitalists have “gone to great lengths to rationalize the contradiction between democratic principles and elite dominance.” ((Edward Berman, The Ideology of Philanthropy, p.6.)) Seen through the eyes of their elitist foundation executives, democracy only functions when it is ran by the few for the many. Education thus takes a key place in the successful promotion of elite governance both on domestic and international planes of action; and although not well known, Edward Berman, professor emeritus of the University of Louisville, has written an important book that examines just this subject. By reviewing Berman’s study The Influence of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller Foundations on American Foreign Policy: The Ideology of Philanthropy (State University of New York Press, 1983), this article aims to publicize his vitally important, though oft neglected, ideas on the anti-democratic nature of liberal philanthropy.

While the history of elite governance is long and troublesome, in Berman’s book we are invited to study the honing of such management strategies from the early twentieth century onwards. Today of course, the Gates Foundation is the most financially powerful philanthropic body in the world (distributing $3 billion in grants last year), but until their relatively late arrival on the scene, the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller foundations (the “big three”) had dominated the philanthropic arena. Indeed, exporting the ideology of the capitalist state has been a key function of these foundations, a care of duty that fell securely on their shoulders as they “represented one of the few sources of unencumbered ‘risk’ capital available during the period from 1945 to 1975.” ((Berman, p.38.))

As Berman acknowledges, the interest shown by these foundations in creating and financing “various educational configurations both at home and abroad cannot be separated from their attempts to evolve a stable domestic polity and a world order amenable to their interests and the strengthening of international capitalism.” Their simultaneous promotion of elite governance and massive levels of worker exploitation consequently required the forging of a “liberal consensus” among the ruling class and their allied funcationaries, which would actively prempt radical structural alternatives, and legimitate capitalism – by fostering public acquiesence to elite priorities. To sucessfully facilitate the building of this consenus, the creation of right-thinking educational institutions was essential to generate a “worldwide network of elites whose approach to governance and change would be efficient, professional, moderate, incremental, and nonthreatening to the class interests of those who, like Messrs, Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller, had established the foundations.” Far-sighted elites evidently recognized the popularity of alternatives to capitalism, so in turn advocated progressive reforms which attempted to find the “middle ground between the extremes of oligopoly on the one hand and socialism on the other, while encouraging an atmosphere congenial to increased levels of productivity.” ((Berman, p.16, p.15, p.16. ))

This is not to say that the individuals who launched foundation “education” programs during the Progressive Era were not seriously concerned with improving the lot of the poor and downtrodden: just that many of these people with “a deep and abiding concern for the plight of the poor” failed to tackle the root cause of injustice, that is, industrial capitalism. Therefore, as many “charity workers refused to recognize the roots of this mass misery, their palliatives focused more on attempts to reform the existing system and to adjust their clients to it, than to search for alternative organizational structures that might result in a more equitable society less destructive of the immigrants’ communities.” ((Berman, p.19.)) (For more on the topic of charitable motives, see “The Russell Sage Foundation and the Manufacture of Reform.”)

Many people, even during the Progressive Era, did however challenge the growing power of foundations to define the parameters of legitimate discussion, but the foundation worlds success in fending off such attacks has meant that today far fewer people are aware of the co-optive nature of liberal philanthropy. This is in large part because “[v]iewpoints and perspectives that support the position of the dominant class are funded by the foundations, while those that are seen to threaten that position are not.” Books critiquing liberal foundations, like Berman’s, tend not to fit comfortably within a society whose educational structures prioritize capitalist growth imperatives. Consequently the strategic funding of certain causes enables major foundations “to legitimate particular viewpoints while simultaneously devaluing others.” ((Berman, p.30. “In a system of state capitalism, for example, where institutions like the foundations are linked to the state, it is fanciful to deny that the foundations enjoy a distinct advantage in their attempts to impose their ideological and cultural hegemony over, say, the American working class, which enjoys very little state support because of its traditional confrontational position vis-a-vis capital.” (p.29) )) At this point it is important to note that the ideological orientation of foundations should not be surprising given their capitalist origins, but the lack of sustained critical inquiry from progressive activists is certainly far more alarming. Either way:

The foundations’ influence in foreign-policy determination and in the extension of their worldview into the domestic polity – and beyond – derives from several interrelated factors: (1) their possession of significant amounts of capital, which can be allocated as their self-perpetuating directors deem appropriate; (2) their ability to allocate this capital to certain individuals and groups strategically located in the cultural apparatus (universities, the arts sector, the media, authors, and publishers), who in turn produce works frequently (but not always) supportive of the worldview of the foundations themselves, thereby providing an important source of legitimation for their perspective; (3) their links to and incorporation into the decision-making stratum of the capitalist state; and (4) their shared view that the development of the domestic polity and polities abroad can best be advanced through the aegis of the world capitalist system, dominated by the United States. (p.38)

Berman suggests that one of the key projects supported by the major foundations to evolve a consensus for US foreign policy elites was the War-Peace Studies Project, which ran between 1939 and 1945, and whose “conclusions… present in outline form the basics of United States foreign policy after World War II.” Two “major recommendations” from this project were integral to the propagation of US global hegemony: the first “involved American financial support for and control of” the World Bank (which along with the International Monetary Fund “grew from seeds planted in War-Peace Studies Project recommendation P-1323 of July 1941”); and the second foresaw the need for the development of bilateral assistance agreements, currently operationalized by the US Agency for International Development. ((Berman, p.43, p.50, p.51.)) In this regard, Berman writes that:

Foundation officers have always recognized the importance of [foreign] markets and mineral resources for the continued health of the United States and the world capitalist economy, and… they designed their overseas programs with this in mind. The cornerstone of these overseas activities was the development of educational institutions, particularly universities, in those areas that foreign-policy architects determined to be of strategic economic and geopolitical importance to the United States. (p.66)

The ideology of liberal imperialism, that is “modernization” theory, was “summed up succinctly” in W. W. Rostow’s book The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge University Press, 1960) – a book which was written “during a ‘reflective year’ away from his academic responsibilities, made possible by a grant from the Carnegie Corporation.” And as Berman observes: “An important aspect of this developmental model emphasized the role of the leadership cadres in the new nations.” ((Berman, p.67. Rostow had developed the ideas developed in this book, during his tenure at MIT’s Center for International Studies (CENIS) – a research center that was backed by the CIA and the Ford Foundation during the 1950s (Max Millikan resigned from the CIA in 1952 to direct CENIS’s research).

Before becoming a revolutionary writer, Gunder Frank noted: “In 1958 I spent three months as visiting researcher at MIT’s Center for International Studies (CENIS) and met Ben Higgins, W.W. Rostow and the others. Rostow wrote his Process of Development (1952) and Stages of Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (1962). Although Rostow and company dealt with Keynesian type macro economic and even social problems, they did so to pursue explicitly the neo-classical counter revolutionary, and even counter reformist, cold war ends. The quintessential modernization book, David Lerner’s (1958) Passing of Traditional Society, appeared while I was there. At the same time, Everett Hagen wrote his On the Theory of Social Change (1962), David McClelland his Achieving Society (1961), and Ithiel de Sola Pool his right libertarian/authoritarian political works.”

During the 1950s and 1960s: “The major foundations regularly supported the work of … structural or technological functionalists, not least because of their shared ideology. Many of the academic ‘stars’ of the functionalist persuasion received funding to enable them to apply their perspectives to developing nations as well as to the United States. In this respect the work of such scholars as Edward Schils, Reinhard Bendix, Daniel Lerner, S.N. Eisenstadt, Seymour M. Lipset, and Marion Levy, among others, on developing nations takes on particular significance.” (p.107) Funding grants tended to be channeled via the foundation created Social Science Research Council. “While an occasional ‘radical’ viewpoint (e.g., [Barrington] Moore or Robert Heilbroner’s) might be funded, generally through the Social Science Research Council, there was little chance that his isolated voice could be of consequence as it contested with the more numerous voices of developmental orthodoxy.” Berman, p.120-1.)) This meant that a new Third World elite had to be developed and courted by the foundation world via the use of educational exchange programs, “whereby students benefiting from their fellowships studied certain subjects at universities whose faculties could be counted on, minimally, to provide the ‘correct’ perspectives.”

Early programs bringing African students to the United States were organized in the 1920s by the Phelps-Stokes Fund and by the Rockefeller philanthropies International Education Board, the latter of which provided funding for bodies like the International Institute at Teachers College, Columbia University. “Such programs provide effective, but generally unrecognized, mechanisms to further the foundations’ cultural hegemony”; thereby “complement[ing] the cruder and more overt forms of economic and military imperialism that are so easily identifiable.” ((Berman, p.93, p.3.))

Berman points out that subsequent contributions to this important side of the cultural cold war like the Congress for Cultural Freedom included the Ford Foundation’s Foreign Student Leadership Program, which was initiated in 1955 and “designated the National Student Association [which already “worked closely with the CIA”] as the agency responsible for the selection of ‘responsible’ foreign student leaders to participate.” ((Berman, p.94. With regard to creating a trustworthy elite of “learned men” for the United States, Berman writes that the Ford Foundations “concern for nurturing an academic elite, which would play the leadership role in the domestic polity, found its best expression in the work of the Ford-created and supported Fund for the Advancement of Education.” (p.72) )) Yet here it is important to emphasize that:

There was no apparent coercion involved in these fellowship programs. The foundations have not overtly manipulated potential fellowship recipients. Such blatant methods are unnecessary because of the understanding on the part of fellowship aspirants that their identification with certain methodological approaches or areas of investigation or their demonstration of certain behaviors will serve to stigmatize them as ‘irresponsible’ among the funding agencies, thereby eliminating any possibility of receiving a grant. (p.95)

As I have demonstrated previously, foundations also played a major role in shaping academic research agendas in the United States (and overseas). Berman, for instance, explains how: “The Ford Foundation almost singlehandedly established the major areas-studies programs in American universities.” Likewise, important more general research centers supported by foundations during the 1950s and 1960s included MIT’s Center for International Studies (see footnote #7), Harvard’s Center for International Affairs, the Center for Strategic Studies at Georgetown University, the Institute of International Studies at Berkeley, the Stanford University Institute for Communications Research, and the Center for International Studies at Princeton University. In addition, other foundation-backed educational institutions that worked closely with universities included the Institute of International Education (which “was established in 1919 with a grant from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace”), the African-American Institute (which was founded in 1953 with most of its funding during its early years coming from the CIA), and Education and World Affairs (which was founded in 1961 with $2 million from the Ford Foundation and $0.5 million from the Carnegie Corporation). In 1971, Education and World Affairs “was absorbed into yet another foundation-created organization, the International Council for Educational Development, [a group] whose key officers were former Carnegie vice-president James Perkins and former Ford officer Philip Coombs.” ((Berman, p.102, p.129, p.131, p.137. For a critical examination of the role of universities and educational exchanges in South Africa, see “Human Rights Watch Brings Neoliberalism To Africa.”

For a detailed examination of the influence of philanthropic foundations on education in Africa, see Kenneth J. King, Pan Africanism and Education: A Study of Race Philanthropy and Education in the Southern States of America and East Africa (Clarendon Press, 1971). ))

By way of supplementing and extending the influence of educational exchange programs foundations quickly moved on to provide direct support for “trusted” Third-World intellectuals, “enabling research to be conducted in Third-World countries on socially and/or politically sensitive topics that United States Policy makers considered important.” In some instances researchers worked based in the US, but more often than not, the foundations extended their philanthropic reach to the Third-World countries themselves by financing local research centers. ((Berman, p.173.)) Research findings generated by such regional research networks were then used to better manage those in Third-World periphery states for the benefit of the imperial home state, or metropolitan center.

These networks serve to encourage the production and dissemination of ideas and data deemed important by universities and agencies in the metropolitan centers. At the same time, this arrangement helps to deflect Third-World researchers from concerns that these same agencies are less anxious to have investigated. This is a conscious foundation policy. As [Robert] Arnove notes: ‘[f]oundation support prevents Third-World activists from coping with their domestic problems in their own terms and addressing them with a level of resources consonant with their level of development. Foundation-induced reform efforts, then, tend to divert Third-World nations from more realistic, and perhaps revolutionary, efforts at social change.’ The foundations are as effective in limiting the production of certain kinds of knowledge as they are in disseminating ideas that they consider important.

An important factor in the extension of one group’s hegemony is its ability to encourage intellectuals to investigate certain problems, those which are ‘important,’ while ignoring or devaluing others. Once the selection process assumes an autonomy of its own, the direct presence of the dominant group – the foundations in this instance – decreases while its hegemony increases accordingly. (p.174)

Despite the evident success that foundations have had in shaping ideology in the twentieth century their power is “not monolithic” and they “do allow differing points of view to be expressed, although these never or only infrequently form the basis for policy.” Indeed, most of their power is simply derived from the fact that their hegemony remains unchallenged, even from anti-capitalist activists. Yet with the increasing availability of the internet it is now much easier to break the ideological clout of foundations, and while in the past many criticisms of foundations have been rendered inaccessible to most people, this is no longer the case.

Many people are already familiar with the historical role fulfilled by conservative foundations in driving the neoliberal revolution, and so now is a good time for activists to more thoroughly scrutunize the insidious influence of liberal foundations. This however is easier said than done as many of the organizations that regularly challenge the legitimacy of for-profit corporate power are in fact funded by foundations, and many such groups would actually cease to operate without foundation support. This problematic state of affairs has led some people to describe the domination of the non-profit sector by not-for-profit corporations as the non-profit industrial complex. Yet in spite of these serious obstacles it is vital that concerned citizens break through the humanitarian rhetoric shielding the foundation world from valid criticism, because if their motives are “repeatedly questioned by those for whom these were ostensibly designed… the influence of these institutions could be seriously challenged.” ((Berman, p.178. It is important to note that many radical scholars have been supported by foundations. Yet while radical scholars like Barrington Moore’s views… have received a polite response from academics, the implications of his work have been largely ignored.” (p.76) Thus, while “an occasional ‘radical’ viewpoint (e.g., Moore’s or Robert Heilbroner’s) might be funded, generally through the Social Science Research Council, there was little chance that his isolated voice could be of consequence as it contested with the more numerous voices of developmental orthodoxy. Indeed, it is conceivable that occasional funding of a study contravening the established position was even advantageous for the foundations. The dissenting viewpoint could be used to counter foundation critics who charged that the organizations only subsidized researchers supportive of the foundations’ preconceived positions on particular issues.” (p.77) “Contradictions occasionally surface within the foundations as well. Examples include the funding provided by the Ford Foundation for the avowedly Marxian interpretation of American education authored by Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis in 1976, or the Russell Sage Foundation’s 1972 support of three leftist sociologists to study that foundation’s organization and operations. Other examples might include the funding provided for such “radical” researchers on Third-World development as Denis Goulet, the support afforded several left-wing Latin social scientists, or the support and advice given by the Ford Foundation to enable Tanzania to further its program of African socialism.” (p.39) )) As Berman concludes:

The reproduction of a particular kind of cultural capital has historically been the primary activity of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller foundations. There now exists the ironic possibility that some recipients of that cultural capital will utilize part of their capital (in the form of their education and training) to examine in greater detail the foundations’ programs. Such investigations might reveal contradictions between the foundations’ public rhetoric and their institutional activities, thereby presenting a challenge to their continuing cultural hegemony. The foundations’ liberalism, as well as their hopes for continued legitimacy, effectively preclude them from trying to prevent this examination through overt censorship, although they can of course place numerous obstacles in the paths of would-be investigators. It is to state the obvious to say that the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller foundations are powerful institutions. At the same time, we need to understand that they are not omnipotent, nor is their continuing influence as purveyors of capitalist hegemony assured or unassailable. (pp.178-9)

Michael Barker is an independent researcher based in the UK. Read other articles by Michael, or visit Michael's website.

13 comments on this article so far ...

Comments RSS feed

  1. bozh said on June 12th, 2010 at 8:42am #

    I do not think that the ruling minority ever needed a foundation to teach them how to rule the devalued people or ‘manage’ the much devalued nature and biota.

    I suggest that the root cause for all ills pepertrated by us is the division of people into lessvalued and morevalued and more more valued people grabbing all or much of the land.

    It cld be noted that the rich people, the clerico-patrician gang of people, had always professed concerns for the poor, but as long as they owned all of the land; controled the army, and commanded the poor! tnx

    Thus, thruout much of history, people who owned 90-100% of landm, also ruled the land to that degree.

    This is what is happening now in all asocialistic lands: ab 10% of pop owning 99% of the country and under ‘laws’ written solely by them, solely govern their respective lands.
    Minority in US did that 3 C. ago and will keep doing that forever if the vast minority of americans keep believing that rich people are more deserving to rule the country than the rest of the pop.

    If u don’t own safeway, u make no saferules; u do not own america, u do not make da ‘laws’ [well pepered and salted for the rich]nor govern the country to any signficant degree.
    That’s why lot of people do not vote. At least they, methinks, see that much!
    And they know how a tank looks and what it can do! tnx

  2. MichaelKenny said on June 12th, 2010 at 9:20am #

    The only caveat I would enter is that the mere fact that people were exposed to such programmes doesn’t mean that they believed what they heard! America’s most fervent supporters in Europe, I find, are people who have never lived or studied in the US, or been in any way exposed to American ideas, culture or life style other than through Hollywood TV shows! That would suggest that the activities of these foundations might well be counter-productive. Americans usually shoot themselves in the foot by coming over as pompous, opinionated, know-alls who always want to dominate everything. That will normally turn any audience off fairly fast!

  3. Karl Marx said on June 12th, 2010 at 10:11pm #

    It should be noted many of these institutions are stacked with CIA staff. ‘Who Rules Columbia?’ remember, they gave Obama his first job at Business International Corporation after-all.

    The War-Peace Studies Project was re-branded the CFR, which is simply an acronym for The State Department whose members operate The Nation, which is also laced with CIA writers like Max Holland and pushes Robert Dreyfuss seeds of deceit on Iran.

    I think this article is very well written in it’s depth and compliments two related pieces of material that reinforce this analysis. The first being a video, from a radical Blackfoot, that breaks down the differences between right, center and left politics. The second being another article that explores these institutions with the same qualitative insight as this one.


    Follow the Money
    Reform Work in the USA
    By Dr.June Terpstra

  4. Rehmat said on June 13th, 2010 at 4:25am #

    “If you tell a big enough lie and tell it frequently enough, it will be believed.” – Adolf Hitler

    “Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely,” – Lord Acton

    It is estimated that there are 450 billionaires and 3,000,000 millionaires in United States (more than 60% are Jewish) as per 2008. The net worth of all households in US (population aound 300 million) as per June 30, 2008 – was US$56 trillion. The 450 billionaires are worth US$1 trillion, while 3,000,000 millionairs are worth US$11 trillion – which comes to one percent of US population owning more than 21 per cent of countries resorces.

    Most of these billionaires and millionaires have accumated their wealth by managing fellow Americans’ money or looting the resources of under-develope nations – mostly Muslims.

    On Global level – Americans are less than 6 percent of world population – but consumes more than 40 percent of world’s resources and produce more than 50 percent of world’s garbage.

    In the US, the real estate rose 50 per cent between 2002-2007, while the mortgage dept rose 75 percent during the same period. Consumers’ debt rose by 30 percent, while durable goods assests have only risen 24 percent – and financial assests rose to staggering 55 percent. The vast majority of this financial assest growth benefitted the billioniares and the millionaires.

    International monetary system (WB, IMF, WTO, USAID, etc.) is based on Capitalism- and is maintained by the super-powers for the benefit of their minority rich elites – which was the driving force behind western colonization of most of Asian and African nations. These greedy and corrupt elites feel no mercy for their own countrymen either. Thei controlled governments always are there to bail then out by using taxpayers’ hard earned money.

    Recently, America’s largest bank, Washington Mutual, collapsed – and shareholder lost US$80 billion plus US$200 billion in bad assets (?). The world’s largest insurance company, A.I.G Insurance (owned by Zionist Jew, Maurice R. Greenberg), which has posted a loss of US$1,500 billion. Then there is the Jewish financial group, Lehman Brothers, whose stocks went from US$85 down to $.21 cents. The company declared a loss of US$500 as result of stock loss, account payable, debt and other liabilities.

    Let’s not forget Westfield, which is owned by a Zionist Jewish family, Lowy, was charged for hiding US$68 million in foreign accounts to avoid paying taxes in the US.

    Now Bush Zionist administration has proposed a US$700 billion package from taxpayers’ money – to bail-out these crook billionaires and millionaires at Wall Street. Interestingly, the same Bush government doesn’t have enough money to help 45 million US senior citizen, who cannot afford necessary medicare or educate those 54 million Americans who cannot read or write or more than one million homeless Americans.

    Capitalism is based on Usury, which is a great sin in Islam. Islam hold the view that economic disorder is not the cause of a nation’s miseries – but the result of nation’s moral degradation. Chracter building and development of moral health are the only remedies humanity is in need of – Without which social, political, economic or any other reform is just waste of time – as proven by both Capitalist and Communist dogmas.

    Islam is not against material progress, but it has to be controlled by Islamic morality – otherwise mere material progress will lead to disastrous results, as seen in the western societies.

    Jim Quinn wrote a very informative article is worth reading.

  5. Mulga Mumblebrain said on June 13th, 2010 at 6:14am #

    Surely the central,probably intractable, problem humanity( its sane fraction, that is), faces is that in a world where money power dominates politics,the brainwashing mechanisms of the mass media and,naturally,economics, then the wielders of the money power become the de facto absolute rulers of society. Politics, social activity and international relations are simply the insubstantial shadows of a puppet play cast by the blinding light of economic power. And, as success in business requires an attitude of barely concealed hostility towards others, indifference to the deletirious effects of one’s activities on others and the natural world and a character formation lacking scruples and moral restraint, then societies dominated by business are inherently malignant. That malignancy is apparent all about us. The world is suffering an ecological collapse unprecedented in rapidity save after mega-volcano eruptions or meteorite or comet collisions, and market capitalism, with its neoplastic modus operandi and deranged belief in infinite growth forever, simply drives us on to hell. The capitalists’ response has been chiefly to spend some loose change financing a denialist industry that lies, misrepresents, concocts and smears to protect their paymasters’ business interests.
    Inequality is unprecedented, poverty and hunger likewise, and elite greed unquenchable. An archipelago of US bases straddles the world, from which murder, violence and subversion are spread to every corner of the planet.Public discourse is perverted by propagandising media empires, uniformly Rightwing with opinions identical save for certain degrees of ideological hysteria reflective of individual degrees of psychopathy. Governments are, likewise, invariably Rightwing, selling off public assets at giveaway prices to elite interests,among other ideological obsessions. When elite greed backfires, as with the GFC, the patsy voters socialise the losses, then see their wages slashed, social welfare services decimated and the few public assets remaining, flogged off to the parasitic perpetrators of the financial crimes. As economic collapse deepens, as is inevitable, as geopolitical manoeuvring makes a ‘US and the West versus the Rest’ World War inevitable, as resource depletion approaches and as the planet undergoes a gigantic ecological convulsion, the rulers of the planet are completely unprepared and morally, intellectually and spiritually unfit to address the crisis. Indeed, given the presence of insane and evil figures preaching apocalypticist dreams and desires based on depraved religious fundamentalisms not far behind the scenes, particularly in the US and Israel, and, one suspects, elsewhere in the West, it seems possible that the apparently insane refusal to address our civilization threatening crisis may in fact be deliberate and coldly, insanely and wickedly contrived. It is wretched to recall in these circumstances that elite rule by essentially parasitic feudal barons has only ever been overthrown as the result of devastating war or revolution, and that all such overturnings, with the possible exception of China, have themselves been reversed by outside subversion and internal corruption, and the rule of evil pathocrats restored, even after decades. And, given the disappearance of Arctic summer sea ice, the venting of northern methane, the inexorable rise of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, and the steady warming and acidification of the global seas, it may already be too late to turn back.

  6. MichaelJBarker said on June 13th, 2010 at 6:30am #

    I am not sure if I made it clear enough in this article, but liberal foundations (including all three mentioned above) have played a key role in funding the environmental movement (not just the liberal reformists either).

    Michael Barker, “Saving Trees and Capitalism Too,” State of Nature, November 17, 2009. (Includes critique of Rainforest Action Network and the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society.)

  7. bozh said on June 13th, 2010 at 7:35am #

    As i see it, we can have ideal private governance or an ideal collective governance.

    In US, development of private governance-governing-ownership is nearing the end of its development.
    In the ownership aspect of that one reality, i also include owning people [not ideally yet] and not just resources-laws-constitution-schooling-information.

    If one person owns $50mn of america and another individual $50k, guess who owns whom or who governs more?

    Fortunato, koreans from the north [please note i am not splitting asunder koreans nor korea; fascist do that], vietnamese, china, cuba, venezuela are or seem to be developing collective governance; thus, the good example must be either demonized or eventuall destroyed.
    Also spricht bozhidarevski. danke

    Btw, peace orgs and greenpeace do not, as far as i know, take money from corporate sources or foundations! Guess why? And churches don’t support them either!

  8. bozh said on June 13th, 2010 at 7:47am #

    Mulga is saying what i have said; in different words, tho! We both go to the roots of the problems; which are really enormous; created solely by clerico-noble class of life; lowest of lowlife people. tnx

  9. MichaelJBarker said on June 13th, 2010 at 8:01am #

    Foundations have always been strong supporters of peace groups, although clearly not the most useful (radical) ones:

    Michael Barker, “Anti-Nuclear Philanthropy and the US Peace Movement,” Swans Commentary, September 21, 2009.

    Many groups that do not receive foundation funding (like Greenpeace) still work to promote a very similar agenda, see:

    Dru Oja Jay, “Greenpeace’s Corporate Overreach: Controversial Hire is an Opportunity to Start Building a Democratic Environmental Movement’, Counterpunch, March 11, 2010.

    The politics of each Greenpeace branch varies between countries, but it is useful to observe that the chair of Greenpeace-US, Donald Ross (2004 to present), was formerly the chair of a group called TechRocks (which was founded as a project of the Rockefeller Family Fund in 1996). Also Greenpeace International board member, Ayesha Imam, is the former chair of the National Endowment for Democracy’s Africa Democracy Forum. To read more about the Africa Democracy Forum, see the comments from their former coordinator, Franck Kamunga Cibangu, after my last Dissident Voice article (“Preventing Independent Action in the Congo”)

    In an article I wrote a few years ago I also drew attention to the close working relationship that exists between “humanitarian” groups and so-called peace activists and the Council on Foreign Relations (and of course the CIA).

    Michael Barker, “Elite ‘Democratic’ Planning at the Council on Foreign Relations” Znet, February 26, 2008.

  10. kanomi said on June 13th, 2010 at 12:36pm #

    This is a well researched and important reference article. Thank you.

  11. hayate said on June 13th, 2010 at 8:39pm #

    Infiltrate your enemy and sabotage them from within. Failing that, become their source of income and then pressure their workings from that strategic advantage.

    Meanwhile, these funds make an excellent tax dodge. Win win for fascists.

  12. bobo said on June 14th, 2010 at 10:26am #

    very well written article! thank you

  13. kalidas said on June 14th, 2010 at 4:51pm #

    As Lenin said, if you want to control the opposition, then lead it!