In
New Orleans’ Central Business District, a prominent billboard
advertising Southern Comfort liquor proclaims “Nothing Stops Mardi
Gras. Nothing.” The festive ad haunts me, seeming callous and cruel,
"you've faced a huge loss, and now we want to use your city and cultural
traditions to sell a lot of alcohol."
Citywide, Mardi Gras is
everywhere, but not without controversy. Many are angry at the idea of a
huge party taking place while bodies are still being recovered in Ninth
Ward houses. And in diaspora communities such as Atlanta, there is a lot
of anger at the idea of a huge party going one while they are kept out.
A past leader of the Zulu Mardi Gras Krewe even sued his organization
(unsuccessfully) to stop them from parading this year.
I have mixed feelings. I love Mardi Gras in New Orleans. Not the parades
and Bourbon Street you see on TV, but the other Mardi Gras that the
media doesn’t show. There are Mardi Gras traditions for nearly every
neighborhood and community, a series of cultural customs ranging from
King Cake and the lewd displays of Krewe Du Vieux to the dogs parading
in Barkus; the clown punks and shopping cart battles of Krewe Du Poux;
the fabulous costumes of the St Ann Parade; and more than anything the
cultural traditions of Black Mardi Gras, encompassing everything from
Zulu, the one Black major parade, to neighborhood celebrations involving
the masked Mardi Gras Indians, Skeletons, and Baby Dolls.
I spent a recent Sunday evening participating in an annual tradition
called Indian practice in New Orleans’ Central City neighborhood. As
preparation for the music, dancing, and rituals involved on Mardi Gras
day, more than a hundred people from the community packed close and
sweaty into a small bar, singing, drumming and dancing to songs that
everyone knew every word to, the room all singing and chanting together
the classic song of Black Mardi Gras, Indian Red: “Here comes the Big
Chief / Big Chief of the Nation / the whole wild creation / He won't bow
down / not on that ground / you know I love you hear you call, my Indian
Red.”
In the midst of this crowd, I could forget for a moment all the
devastation outside. However, when I asked Nick, who had spent his life
here, living in this neighborhood that decades ago was filled with
Black-owned jazz clubs and businesses, how many of his neighbors were
back, he estimated less than 10 percent. While official estimates are
higher, the fact remains that even in a Black neighborhood like Central
City, which was not heavily damaged or flooded like the now-famous Ninth
Ward, people have still not been able to return. A range of obstacles,
including redlining by insurance companies, the mass layoffs of city
workers, closed schools and hospitals, and continued fear and
uncertainty about the safety of the levees surrounding the city, has
kept people out.
During a recent Sunday service at a church a few blocks away, the
Reverend Jesse Jackson asked the 500 people in the room how many of them
had evacuated. Every hand went up. He then asked how many still had
family and loved ones who had not returned, and again every single hand
in the room went up.
Adding to the emptiness, Calliope and Magnolia, two public housing
developments in the neighborhood that were mostly undamaged, remain
deliberately empty; most residents have not been permitted to return.
In fact, this week our at-large city council representative, Oliver
Thomas, declared publicly that many of the residents should not be
allowed to return. Reinforcing the stereotype that people are poor
because they don’t want to work, Thomas stated, "There's just been a lot
of pampering, and at some point you have to say, 'No, no, no, no, no,”
and added, "we don't need soap opera watchers right now."
At the same meeting, Nadine Jarmon, the appointed chief of the Housing
Authority of New Orleans (HANO) declared Thomas’ position reflected
their policy, adding if “they don't express a willingness to work, or
they don't have a training background, or they weren't working before
Katrina, then (we’re) making a decision to pass over those people.”
These statements were made while, six months after the hurricane,
thousands of undamaged units sit empty, thousands more homeless New
Orleanians face eviction from FEMA hotels on March 1, and tens of
thousands of renters that lived in damaged homes have no where to move
to, and no governmental officials seem to care if they come back. In the
midst of this crisis, Thomas, two other council members, and the chief
of HANO blamed the victims. What about single parents and caretakers?
What about the elderly, injured or disabled? Don’t they deserve
housing, even if they don’t have training or an extensive job history?
Why are only public housing tenants asked if they intend to work?
At a recent demonstration organized by New Orleans Housing Emergency
Action Team (NO-HEAT), former residents of the St Bernard Housing
Development, many of them visiting for the day from their exile in
Houston, expressed their desire to return to their homes. One resident
proclaimed that he was going to move back into his home as a form of
civil disobedience. While his action is inspiring, the idea that it
requires civil disobedience to move back into your own undamaged home is
profoundly disturbing. Is this what we’ve come to?
At a recent presentation at Tulane University, Thomas Murphy of the
Urban Land Institute spoke about the Institute’s recommendations to the
city, including their plan to develop the (wealthier, whiter) areas of
the city on high ground first. He also recommended three books to the
mostly student audience, including The Prince by Machiavelli and
Rules for Radicals by Saul Alinsky, saying, “our mission should
be to stand up for those with no voice.” When I asked him how he
reconciled his passion for the voiceless with his recommendations to
build up wealthy areas first, and why he wasn’t standing up for renters
or those in public housing, he evaded the question with comments about a
“criminal sociology” that develops in public housing.
The victims are being blamed. People of this city, who have contributed
so much to the culture of this country, who have created a culture that
is now being enjoyed by tourists and others, have always been left out
of the profits, and are once again shut out, and put last in line. As
Loyola Law Clinic Director Bill Quigley has said, “what if we turned the
priorities upside down, instead of saying that we are going to start
with building up the high ground, what if we prioritized restoring
housing and justice for those who had the least to begin with?”
Even for many of us who lived in areas with minimal flooding, like my
relatively privileged block in the Seventh Ward just off the high ground
of Esplanade Avenue, the coming months hold a mostly unspoken fear. We
have little faith in the levees, little faith in the Army Corps of
Engineers, little faith in our government. As one friend who lives a
few blocks away from me said to me yesterday, “it’s just a flip of the
coin, and it’ll be us next time.”
For many of us privileged enough to be here, its bittersweet to see
another Mardi Gras. It’s a time of year we used to look forward to, and
while there is much to mourn, we also want to embrace our loved ones,
embrace our city, and maybe even embrace the decadence. Meanwhile, the
city rolls on -- plans are made, funds are distributed, some
neighborhoods are declared unviable, more people are evicted, and that
Southern Comfort billboard taunts us, “Nothing stops Mardi Gras.
Nothing.”
Jordan Flaherty is a resident of New
Orleans, an organizer with New Orleans Network and an editor of
Left Turn Magazine.
His previous articles from New Orleans are
archived here.
GRASSROOTS, PEOPLE OF COLOR-LED GULF COAST ORGANIZATIONS TO DONATE
TO: www.leftturn.org/Articles/Viewer.aspx?id=689&type=W
Other Resources for information and action
*
Reconstruction Watch
*
Common Ground
*
People's Hurricane Fund
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Justice for New Orleans
*
Black Commentator
*
New Orleans Network
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Families and Friends of
Louisiana's Incarcerated Children
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Four Directions
Solidarity Network
*
Color Of Change
*
Critical Resistance:
Comprehensive info and action related to prisoners in New Orleans
Other Articles by Jordan
Flaherty
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Imprisoned in New Orleans with Tamika Middleton
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Privatizing New Orleans
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Loss and Displacement at the Calliope with Jennifer Vitry