Agrexco is Israel’s largest fresh produce exporter and European markets account for the vast majority of their sales under the brand Carmel. The Israeli government’s 50% stake in the company as well as their marketing of 60-70% of the fruit and vegetables grown in illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank have made Agrexco a prime strategic target for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign.

Boycott of Agrexco products, divestment via suspension of commercial agreements and sanctions through legal procedures.

Rafeef Ziadah, representative of the Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC), recalled that the campaign against Agrexco includes all three components of BDS: boycott of Agrexco products, divestment via suspension of commercial agreements and sanctions through legal procedures. Agrexco’s complicity in a broad range of human rights violations, profiting from crops grown on stolen land, irrigated with stolen water and worked with child labor, also provides the campaign with ample opportunities to reach out beyond the Palestine solidarity networks to find allies in other social justice movements.

The forum centered on two parallel tracks with the objective of ridding European supermarkets of Agrexco products: boycott campaigns and court actions.

Campaigns and Strategies

During the boycott workshop, activists presented a review of the campaigns and actions taking place in the various countries, including lobbying retail chains and co-op member meetings, actions at supermarkets and trade fairs, airport blockades and Italy’s very first BDS flash mob. In Belgium last May, over 400 people  in 22 cities filed a complaint with the police citing Agrexco’s complicity with violations of international law. In France, the new Agrexco terminal at the port of Sète became a catalyst for the movement, with a mass demonstration of over 1500 people, a remarkable number for a BDS action! Campaigns are also under way in Sweden and Norway, who were unable to send delegates to the forum. In Sweden activists presented the national co-op with a dossier on Agrexco’s activities who promised to investigate. In Norway, the campaing instead focuses on the local importer, who is consulting their attorneys on the question.

Mislabeling and Fraud

Michael Deas, European coordinator for the BNC, underlined the importance of boycotting Agrexco as a company and not just the products it exports from the illegal Israeli settlements. Aside from problems of traceability – Agrexco has been caught on numerous occasions mislabeling products or mixing settlement produce with that from the Israeli side of the Green Line – purchasing any Agrexco products means supporting a company profiting from the occupation and apartheid policies of the Israeli government.

The involvement in the French campaign of farmers unions, Confédération paysanne and Via Campesina, keep the issues of sustainable agriculture and food sovereignty at the forefront. Michael Deas also underlined the role Palestinian farmers unions have and can play in the campaign against Agrexco. In fact, Palestinian farmers unions were crucial role in helping to expose a propaganda stunt organized by Agrexco in France, claiming that boycotts of Agrexco products damaged Palestinian farmers in Gaza.

The legal workshop, with the presence of three Palestinian attorneys from the Palestinian Bar Association, concentrated on possible court actions against Agrexco. While several countries – Belgium, UK, Italy – are currently exploring legal action, the French case has already produced an important result. An agent of the court inspected customs documents for the Agrexco ships docking at Sète and found clear cases of fraud. A 2010 decision of the European Court of Justice ruled that products from Israeli settlements are not eligible for preferential trade tariffs under the EU Israel Agreement. Yet here were invoices for dates from the Jordan Valley declared to be “Israel Preferential Origin.” This proof of fraud, from none other than a court official, will be vital to campaigns throughout Europe.

Movement for an Agrexco-free Europe

The two-day forum succeeded in bringing together campaigns across Europe with the goal of coordinating our actions and strengthening the movement for an Agrexco-free Europe. The first step of the newly formed European-wide network will be a Global Day of Action Against Agrexco set for November 26, 2011.

With all the extremely useful, though highly technical, talk of legal cases, corporate structures, local affiliates, commercial trade agreements, distribution networks, etc., it’s important to remember that behind the data and numbers, this is about people’s lives.

Agrexco turns a profit while enforcing Apartheid in Palestine

The land confiscations, the stolen water, the house demolitions, the checkpoints, make it impossible for Palestinians to develop their own economy. A reasonable person can draw but one conclusion, these policies serve to drive the Palestinians from their land. And companies such as Agrexco not only turn a profit, but also provide a direct economic incentive to maintain the occupation and continue the apartheid policies.

Rafeef talked about the first time she saw a Jaffa orange in a UK supermarket. She could smell the sweet aroma, but she couldn’t buy it. She thought of her grandfather, evicted from his land, but who returned to work for the new owner because he just couldn’t give up his land. And how Palestinian produce figures in the minds of refugees, denied their right of return.

Rafeef concluded the forum with an open invitation to all to her house in Haifa, once Palestine is free. Once she can return home.

And the campaign to boycott the products of Carmel Agrexco is a step along the way.

The irony was not lost on the 1.5 million residents of Gaza who have been living with daily power outages lasting hours on end for nearly three years due to the Israeli siege on the coastal territory. The Israeli Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) reports that over 100 million liters of fuel were allowed into Gaza in 2009.  However, as Gisha points out, that amounts to only 57% of the need. As summer approaches bringing peak demands, spare parts and tools for turbine repair are in dire need. There are currently over 50 truckloads of electrical equipment awaiting approval by the Israeli authorities for entry to Gaza.

The constant power outages have led many families in Gaza to rely on low quality generators running on low quality fuels, both brought in through the tunnels from Egypt, causing a sharp increase in accidents resulting in injury and death. According to the UN agency OCHA, in the first three months of 2010 17 people died in generator-related accidents, including fires and carbon monoxide poisoning.

The mayor of the central Israeli city of Ra’anana, of which 48% is reserved for city parks, vowed to plant thousands of trees as part of the city’s sustainable agenda. Palestinian farmers from the West Bank village of Qaryut near Nablus had their own tree planting ceremony in honor of Earth Day, only to find the 250 olive tree saplings uprooted by Israeli settlers from Givat Hayovel. Another 300 were uprooted during the night of April 13 outside the Palestinian village of Mihmas by settlers from the nearby Migron outpost. The Palestinian Land Research Center estimates that over 12,000 olive trees were uprooted throughout the West Bank in 2009, with Israeli authorities responsible for about 60%, clearing the land for settlements and construction of the wall, and Israeli settlers the rest.

Earth Day in Gaza brought armor-plated bulldozers escorted by Israeli tanks that proceeded to rip through fields of winter wheat, rye and lentils at Al Faraheen near Khan Younis in the Israeli imposed buffer zone, destroying the livelihood of a Palestinian family because, as Max Ajl, who filmed the entire shameful episode, explained, “They could.”

But that’s not all that was being dug up in Gaza. The UN Mine Action Service uncovered and removed 345 unexploded ordnance, including 60 white phosphorus shells, left over from the Israeli assault on Gaza. Approximately half were found under the rubble of destroyed buildings.

As the Israeli Ministry of Environmental Protection was launching its “Clean Coast 2010″ program for Earth Day, somewhere in the neighborhood of 60 million liters of raw or partially treated sewage was being pumped into the Mediterranean sea from Gaza’s overworked, under-funded and seldom repaired sewage treatment plant. Damage from Israeli air strikes and lack of electric power and spare parts due to the siege make it impossible for the plant to meet the demands of Gaza’s 1.5 million residents, with the daily overflow creating serious health hazards.

In addition to the Green Globe awards, the Ministry of Environmental Protection had it’s own award ceremony last month recognizing Israeli Defense Force units, soldiers and commanders who “exhibited excellence in protecting the environment, environmental resources and the landscape.” The theme for this year’s annual competition was water and included projects related to the “protection of water sources” and “water savings.”

For Palestinians living in the West Bank, this “protection of water sources” was documented in Amnesty International’s October 2009 report “Troubled Water”:

The Israeli army’s destruction of Palestinian water facilities – rainwater harvesting and storage cisterns, agricultural pools and spring canals – on the grounds that they were constructed without permits from the army is often accompanied by other measures that aim to restrict or eliminate the presence of Palestinians from specific areas of the West Bank.

The Amnesty International report also notes that for decades, Israeli settlers have instead “been given virtually unlimited access to water supplies to develop and irrigate the large farms which help to support unlawful Israeli settlements.” And nowhere is this more evident than the Jordan Valley where 95% of the area is occupied by Israeli settlements, plantations and military bases and where “Israeli water extraction inside the West Bank is highest.”

One such company helping to sustain the illegal settlement economy is Carmel Agrexco, Israel’s largest fresh produce exporter. By its own admission the company, which is half owned by the State of Israel, exports 70% of the produce grown in the West Bank settlements. Europe is by far its biggest market, though its produce arrives as far as North America and the Far East. Agrexco promotes itself as a green company, with a focus eco-friendly packaging and organic produce, though one could argue that transporting organic bell peppers from Israel to the US is hardly ecological. Even the self-proclaimed “green ships” used to bring fresh produce to Europe are named Bio-Top and EcoFresh. ”

But there is nothing green about occupation and colonization, nothing ecological in violating human rights and dignity. And that’s why an international coalition supporting the Palestinian call for boycotts of Israeli products has set its sights on removing Carmel Agrexco produce from supermarkets – and ports – across Europe.

The original Earth Day was about grassroots mobilization, public protest for change and political awareness of the issues. In Israel’s Earth Day celebrations, its Apartheid system is showing through the greenwash.

The ads for such companies as Lockheed Martin, the world’s largest weapons producer, Goodrich, KBR, AGI, BAE Systems and Northrop Grumman can be found in many of the metro stations in the Washington metropolitan area. Not surprisingly, the heaviest concentration is at Pentagon City and near government offices at the Federal Center and Capitol South stations. Undoubtedly, the ads aim to influence key decision-makers, but they also serve the purpose of selling to the general public the concept that only our superior military prowess can protect us from a hostile world.

The billboards range from explicit ads for attack helicopters and combat vehicles to more subtle billboards for companies such as little-known DRS, owned by Italian weapons maker Finmeccanica and 26th among the top 100 Pentagon contractors, or for “rugged” Dell computers designed to meet Defense Department specifications for military-use.

Times New Roman;”>Far from subtle is Northrop Grumman’s marketing approach in the Capitol South metro station, the closest to Congress. In an all out assault on the visual senses, the station has been literally festooned by the country’s third largest military contractor. Apparently considering the usual ad space along the tracks to be insufficient, Northrop Grumman ads can also be found on all four sides of columns installed near the turnstiles, on banners strung up along the railings upstairs and even on the floor just before the escalators. CBS Outdoor, responsible for the ad space in DC metro stations, claims that “Capitol Hill Station Domination is an impactful way to get your message in front of the Congress and decision-makers in DC.”

An estimated 17,000 Capitol South metro passengers are confronted daily with Northrop Grumman Global Hawks and X-47 Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles, which boast a 4500-pound weapons bay, E-2D Advanced Hawkeyes, Viper Strike-armed Fire Scout unmanned helicopters and E-8C Joint Surveillance Target Attack Radar Systems (STARS), all designed “for an unsafe world.” According to the centrist Brookings Institute, 90% of drone casualties in “targeted” strikes in Pakistan have been innocent civilians. Yet ads for these systems, which carry price tags ranging from hundreds of millions of dollars when factoring in development costs, are on full display.

Perhaps most startling of all the Capitol South billboards is the ominous scene of a bombed out apartment building above the slogan “By the time you find the threat, we’ve already taken it out of the picture.” Northrop Grumman fails to fill us in on what happened to the people living in those apartments.

Following the trend of major defense companies wishing to cozy up to powerbrokers in Congress and at the Pentagon, Northrop Grumman recently announced plans to relocate its California headquarters to the DC area. Officials from Washington, Virginia and Maryland have been falling over themselves trying to influence the decision of the $34 billion company. The District of Columbia has gone as far as offering a $25 billion incentive package for what Northrop Grumman estimates to be a measly 300 jobs, which will be filled primarily by company executives moving from Los Angeles!

The defense contractor presence on the DC metro is but one example of the ubiquitous signs of militarism in Washington. Standing out like sore thumbs, military personnel dressed in camouflage can be seen everywhere from the food court at the shopping mall to the line at the bank. Combat fatigues were ordered everyday wear for all service members, including those with desk jobs, following the September 11, 2001 attacks. I asked several camouflaged service members the reason behind the combat uniforms and all sheepishly replied that is was in support of the “troops in the field.” One woman told me, “That’s a good question. You feel kind of funny wearing this.” Looking down at her desert boots, she said, “It’s not exactly office wear.” But it is a clear and constant reminder that the nation continues to be on a war footing.

Signs calling for support of the troops can be found on everything from restaurant walls to dump trucks. Cheering on the “troops in the field” is also the Liberty gas station on Columbia Pike in Arlington. Directly above the gas pumps is a red, white and blue sign that reads “Support Our Troops.” This is either the result of disturbingly twisted logic or an astonishingly candid call for protecting U.S. access to Middle East oil reserves.

Walking the halls of Congress, you will find memorials at the offices of many representative and senators for the fallen troops from their district or state. What you will not find are any memorials for the 2,200 veterans who died in 2008 as a result of a lack of health insurance.

At Union Station, Amtrak passengers should not be surprised if a soldier or two cut in line. Signs in the station invite uniformed military personnel to skip to the head of the ticket line. According to Amtrak, which is the only Department of Defense approved rail passenger carrier in the US, it is a way for the company to “extend their thanks.” That’s all well and good but why wouldn’t Amtrak want to do the same for teachers, healthcare professionals, firefighters, librarians or non-profit volunteers?

Much of this is not necessarily new; the militarization of our society has been progressing for decades, permeating our schools, research and development programs, law enforcement and culture. And despite the heavy concentration in Washington DC, the phenomenon is certainly not limited to the nation’s capital. The signs of militarism in our country are ever-present to the point of becoming virtually invisible, while subconsciously persuading us to accept violence and war as not only a suitable solution to conflict, but the only one.

The fighter jets and missile-firing drones are anything but invisible to the people in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Let’s rebel against their apparent “normalcy” here in the US. As a start, contact Dan Langdon, CBS Outdoor’s Vice President and Regional Manager letting him know that ads for deadly weapons systems have no place on the DC metro, or anywhere else for that matter!  moc.roodtuosbanull@nodgnaL.naD.

The conference aimed at imparting to the over 7000 attendees ‘an intimate understanding of the many ways that Israel is making the world a better place,’ with a focus on peacemaking and innovation. According to the AIPAC web site, conference goers will also ‘meet Israelis who rush to the scene of natural disasters in far away lands because they believe that to save one life is to save the whole world.’ No mention was made of the 1400 people killed during the Israeli assault on Gaza

Against a backdrop of creative blends of US and Israeli flags and icons, the three-day conference in Washington DC included plenary speeches by former Israeli Foreign Affairs Minister Tzipi Livni and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, whom, according to journalist MJ Rosenberg, delegates were warned in advance not to boo or hiss. Workshops varied from self-serving questions such as ‘Are Settlements An Obstacle to Peace?’ and ‘Is Israel Treated Unfairly in the Press?’ to ‘The Gaza Dilemma’ and ‘Inside Iran.’

Large numbers of young people attended the conference. With more than 900 university students from 370 campuses as well as 397 high school students, many benefiting from scholarships, students made up nearly 17% of the total number of participants.

Standing outside the conference it was clear that AIPAC is reaching out well beyond the Jewish community for support. The constant flow of buses, with taxpayer-funded police escort, dropped off conference attendees including many African-American delegations. In fact, workshop sessions centered on the emerging alliance with the African American community and how this alliance can be ‘ignited around the pro-Israel cause.’

The conference also included fear-mongering workshops in Spanish, presumably as an attempt to reach the Latino community, on Iran’s influence in Latin America via its strong ties with Venezuela, Cuba and Brazil, and concerns that this might lead to terrorism, Islamic extremism and anti-American sentiments.

Additional workshops focused on capitalizing on pro-Israel support from the Christian evangelical community as well as a ‘new era of military and intelligence cooperation’ with India.

However, the scope of most of the workshops was to prepare participants for the lobbying day on Capitol Hill, with the three main requests for Congress. First and foremost, AIPAC was calling for ‘crippling sanctions on Iran.’ Noting that it was unlikely for the UN Security Council to pass such a resolution, AIPAC called on the United States ‘to lead the international community,’ a euphemism for unilateral action. 

The second request dealt with the current tensions between the US and Israel following the continued announcements of new illegal settlements in East Jerusalem. An AIPAC drafted letter initiated by House majority and minority leaders Steny Hoyer (D-MD) and Eric Cantor (R-VA) called on Secretary Clinton to ‘reaffirm our commitment to the unbreakable bond that exists between our country and the State of Israel’ and to solve any disputes ‘quietly, in trust and confidence, as befits longstanding strategic allies.’ Over 50% of the US House of Representatives have signed onto the letter. A similar letter is circulating in the Senate.

Last, but certainly not least, AIPAC urged support for continuing US military aid for Israel, which AIPAC refers to as ‘security assistance,’ by approving President Obama’s request for $3 billion for fiscal year 2011 as part of the 10-year $30 billion package. Time magazine was unusually candid in its coverage of this request, reporting ‘the Israeli government has announced plans to replace its aging fleet of F-16 fighter jets with new, American-made F-35 fighters, a major cost that Israel hopes will be substantially borne by American taxpayers.’

That’s the same F-35 that Secretary of Defense Gates was referring to in his testimony before Congress on March 25 when he spoke of “unacceptable delays and cost overruns.” The price tag for the Pentagon’s most expensive weapons program has nearly doubled since 2001, recently leading Secretary Gates to replace the program manager and withhold more than $600 million from the lead contractor, Lockheed Martin. It’s no wonder Israel would prefer US taxpayers foot the bill!

Inside the Washington Convention Center, AIPAC was simultaneously calling for the US public to be kept in the dark regarding any disputes with Israel while asking taxpayers to fund 20% of Israel’s defense budget. Outside it was a different story. Activists from CodePink, Veterans for Peace, Military Families Speak Out, Avaaz, Jewish Voice for Peace and the US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation kept up a presence during the conference with signs and banners calling for respect for international law and human rights, an end to the siege of Gaza, Israeli apartheid and US taxpayer funding of war crimes.

Using street theatre, we set up a checkpoint to greet the participants, and I, in the role of a Palestinian woman, tried in vain to get through. I pleaded with the sometimes startled conference-goers to help me get to a hospital, but Tighe Barry, playing an IDF soldier at the checkpoint, pushed me away telling the AIPAC supporters, “You can pass. This is a Jewish only road.”

During our presence outside the conference, I got an earful of everything from thoughtful debate to the most vulgar of insults to outright ignorance on the issues: “There is already a settlement freeze!” “Gaza isn’t under siege, Israel is!” “AIPAC has nothing to do with policy!” This last remark was made while standing under the enormous sign reading ‘AIPAC Policy Conference.’

We were outnumbered roughly 100 to 1, yet the very sight of us literally sent some people over the edge. A few people even resorted to violence, shoving and hitting the activists. During a press conference held outside the Convention Center, we were constantly interrupted, with people shouting and walking in front of the cameras. Josh Ruebner of the US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation rightly judged this as a classic example of the AIPAC crowd trying to completely control the debate so that no other voices can be heard.

But there was at least some debate going on inside the conference. Hadar Susskind of the new self-proclaimed pro-Peace pro-Israel lobby J Street was being interviewed by the BBC when Alan Dershowitz, one of the conference’s principal speakers, approached and the two got into a heated debate. As the press gathered around, Dershowitz asked “How can you not agree that Goldstone is a despicable human being?” referring to the well-respected South African judge who lead the UN fact-finding mission investigating the Israeli assault on Gaza. AIPAC security quickly moved in to usher the argument outside the building. A French documentary crew had their credentials revoked after refusing to leave.

The second day of protests outside the conference made use of satire to try to get the message through. CodePink issued a fake press release announcing AIPAC’s support for a settlement freeze in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The phony release was picked up by several news outlets prompting AIPAC to issue a statement refuting the claim, and thereby confirming that they are not in line with US policy on the issue or the majority of US citizens. Some conference participants were then questioning why AIPAC was not supporting a settlement freeze.

Later that morning, ‘Netanyahu and the Settlements’ arrived at the conference. Activists with the global online advocacy group Avaaz.org showed up wearing cardboard boxes shaped like settlement housing along with someone in a Netanyahu mask wearing a Caterpillar hardhat chanting, “Build settlements, not peace.” Later that afternoon, nicely dressed activists escorted the conference participants: “Right this way to the Apartheid Conference.”

The main attraction of the three-day event was, of course, the gala dinner where Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu spoke. Rae Abileah of CodePink, who had purchased a ticket to the conference but then received a certified letter saying that her registration had been cancelled, was nonetheless inside the dinner waiting for her moment. After the traditional Roll Call, the interminable reading of the names of the Congress members present – some 59 senators and 269 members of the House of Representatives – Netanyahu finally took the stage. “When the prime minister announced Israel’s commitment to defense, I could no longer remain silent.” Rae jumped up on AIPAC Executive Director Howard Kohr’s private table right next to the stage and opened a banner reading ‘Build Peace Not Settlements’ while shouting, “Lift the siege of Gaza! No illegal settlements!”

Shortly after Rae was forcibly removed from the dinner, Joan Stallard, also of CodePink, unfurled a banner and shouted, “Stop the settlements!” Joan, who was seated a little too close to security, was quickly thrown to the floor and promptly removed from the dinner.

There were a number of groups of young people on the Hill the same day lobbying for education and jobs programs. As we passed, I told them, “Sorry, no money left for your school or jobs. Congress wants to give it to Israel.”

We then walked over to the Senate side of the Hill. Two senators, Republican Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Democrat Charles Schumer of New York, had spoken the previous day at the AIPAC conference. Senator Graham quickly dismissed the pesky problem of East Jerusalem: “Jerusalem is not a settlement. No government in Israel will ever look at Jerusalem as a settlement! No government in the United States should ever look at Jerusalem as a settlement! It is the undivided capital of the State of Israel. It is the eternal home of the Jewish faith. And it is now time to move on to other issues.”

We paid visits to the offices of both Senators Graham and Schumer, as well as those of Senators Lieberman and Kyl. Donning tunics that said ‘Settler’ and waving a flag that read ‘Mine,’ we moved in, occupied the office, set up a rode block and began moving the furniture around to our pleasing. Again playing the part of a Palestinian woman, I pleaded with the staff, who were, not surprisingly, alarmed at what was happening, for their help in removing the settlers from my family’s land.  In three out of four cases we managed to secure a meeting with a member of the staff; at Sen. Graham’s office Capitol Police arrived and promptly removed us!

This year’s AIPAC conference couldn’t have been scheduled during a more interesting period, with unusually high tensions between the US and Israel. Holding signs saying ‘Israel Endangers Peace’ during the Senate Armed Forces Committee hearing on March 16, we heard General Petraeus state clearly that “the [Israeli-Palestinian] conflict foments anti-American sentiment due to a perception of US favoritism toward Israel.” On CNN recently, there has been unprecedented talk of an Apartheid state in Israel and calls for cutting off US military aid. And just one day before the AIPAC conference began, UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon stated during a tour of Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, “Let us be clear. All settlement activity is illegal anywhere in occupied territory and must be stopped.”

As much as AIPAC appears to be living in a bubble, it also seems unlikely that the US government, or the international community for that matter, will take a courageous stance and do what many Israelis have been asking, save Israel from itself. That’s why so many activists are now taking it upon themselves to lead the way by supporting the Palestinian call for boycotts, divestment and sanctions (BDS) against Israel.

Right outside the AIPAC conference the newly formed BDS group of the greater Washington area called on local residents to not buy Israeli products as a way to make a meaningful contribution to ending the Israeli occupation. And on March 30^th, the second Global BDS Day, actions will take place around the world.

Invest in peace. Boycott Israel!

It was the summer of 2006. I was in Crawford, Texas, home to Bush’s ranch and Camp Casey, the activist campout organized by Cindy Sheehan who lost her son in Iraq. It was the second year for Camp Casey. But this time, Bush had chosen to spend his holidays elsewhere, leaving us with more free time.

Fort Hood, the largest army base in the U.S., where most soldiers heading off to war pass through, is an hour and a half from Crawford. We decided to go there to give information to members of the military. With us were veterans of the war in Iraq and we had leaflets from the GI Rights Hotline, an organization that provides counseling to soldiers, including information on how to get out of the military.

We set up about a hundred meters from the entrance during evening rush hour as soldiers left the base. I expected to find myself in a hostile environment, but that’s not the way it turned out.

We had signs with a very simple message, “You don’t have to go.” It was enough to cause many soldiers to stop for more information, even in uniform, violating the military code and in sight of the guards at the entrance to the base. Some drove by in their cars and flashed us the peace sign. Others stopped just long enough to jot down the toll free number for the GI Rights Hotline written in large letters on the side of our van. Spouses, mothers and fathers of soldiers stopped to get material to take home.

Fort Hood has the highest suicide rate of all U.S. bases. Nidal M. Hasan, the soldier who killed his fellow troops, had spent six years, from 2003 to 2009, as a psychiatrist at Walter Reed military hospital in Washington treating soldiers with post-traumatic stress syndrome. He was soon set to deploy to Iraq.

Over three years have passed since I was at Fort Hood. At the time, the Republicans controlled the House, the Senate and the White House. Now the Democrats have the majority. But I feel certain that if I were to go stand in front of the base with the same sign, the scene of three years ago would repeat itself.

For days, news of the soldiers’ deaths – and corresponding political debate on the Italian mission in Afghanistan – filled the pages of newspapers and was the lead story on the TV news. There was live coverage as the bodies of the soldiers arrived in Rome on Sunday morning. The President of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano, together with Defense Minister La Russa, and leaders of the center-right government were present for the solemn ceremony held at the airport.

The live coverage continued the following day, which was declared a day of national mourning. The flag draped coffins, aboard six open flatbed military trucks, slowly made their way from the Celio military hospital near the Coloseum to the Basilica of Saint Paul Outside the Walls, Rome’s second largest church after Saint Peter’s, where state funeral services were held.

Attending were Prime Minister Berlusconi, leaders of both houses of Parliament, top-level cabinet members, deputy secretaries, a former president and exponents of majority and opposition parties.

The Pope sent a telegram which was read during the service, and afterwards the Frecce Tricolori, the Italian Air Force’s acrobatic flying team, flew over the church leaving their signature green, white and red smoke trails representing Italy’s flag.

While there was definitely an outpouring of solidarity for the families of the soldiers, it was also a remarkably well orchestrated show of “patriotism” – few words were reserved for the 15 Afghan civilians who were also killed that day – aimed at keeping the focus on the fallen soldiers and off the question of the Italian military presence in Afghanistan. Italy currently has 3,300 troops in Afghanistan, officially taking part in a “peace mission.”

But there was no getting away from the debate. Umberto Bossi, Minister of Reforms and leader of the right-wing Northern League party, immediately expressed his hope to bring all Italian forces home by Christmas. “The mission in Afghanistan is over.” Speaking with the press at the funeral services, Bossi commented, “We sent them to Kabul and they came back dead. This isn’t what we voted for.” Defense Minister La Russa and exponents of Berlusconi’s party initially distanced themselves from Bossi’s statements saying that, at the moment, talk of full withdrawal was not on the table.

Berlusconi himself first reacted by calling the mission in Afghanistan “essential” but did talk of the necessity to “bring our boys home as soon as possible.” He later began to talk of plans to bring some troops home, though limiting it to the 500 who were recently deployed on a temporary mission in advance of the Afghan elections and without specifying a date. He also spoke of the need for a “transition strategy,” words echoes by Foreign Affairs Minister Frattini.

The center-left “opposition” party, Partito Democratico, issued a statement against withdrawal from Afghanistan but calling for an international peace conference resulting in “diplomatic measures to put in place alongside the military presence.”

In a recent poll, only 26% of those surveyed were in favor of maintaining troops in Afghanistan; just 40% among center right voters. And that was a few days before the car bombing brought the war home to the Italian public.

Outside the church on Monday there were some calls for withdrawal from Afghanistan. And during the service, a man managed to commandeer the microphone at the altar to yell “Peace Now!” Cartoonist Vauro issued a stinging comment on this incident the following day on the leftist newspaper Il Manifesto. Above the caption “Man who shouted from the altar immediately removed by security” was a drawing of secret service agents carrying the crucifix out of the church.

Minister of Education, Mariastella Gelmini had issued a memo calling on all schools to observe a minute of silence. Parents called regional school boards as well as the Ministry to register their objections, which were not meant as disrespect for the fallen but in protest of the decision to single out the soldiers in what was seen as an overt political use of their deaths. A number of schools publicly declined to participate. One teacher asked why there were never calls for a minute of silence for any of Italy’s 1300 on-the- job deaths each year.

It’s interesting to compare how the deaths of soldiers are covered by the media and dealt with by the government in the U.S. and Italy. Who can forget the stir Nightline‘s Ted Koppel caused in 2004 by simply reading the names of the 700 soldiers killed in Iraq at the time, with Sinclair Broadcasting refusing to air the program on stations it owned.

And it was only this past April that the 18-year government imposed ban on media coverage of fallen soldiers returning to Dover Air Force was finally lifted, leaving the decision up to the family members. To his credit, it was President Obama who asked Secretary Gates to review the policy, though this came only after years of lobbying on the part of veterans’ and peace groups. Contrary to what supporters of the ban had said, in the first few weeks following the lift, 14 out of 19 families gave permission for media coverage.

In early September, Associated Press was at the center of a controversy for having distributed the photo of a dying marine in Afghanistan, Lance Cpl. Joshua M. Bernard. Admittedly, the debate centered more on the fact that the soldier’s father had requested that the photo not be distributed. AP justified the decision, which was called “appalling” by Secretary Gates, saying, “We feel it is our journalistic duty to show the reality of the war there, however unpleasant and brutal that sometimes is.”

Reuters’ columnist Bernd Debusmann recently reported on the undercounting of deaths in Iraq and Afghanistan by concealing contractor casualties, which now amount to 1,360 according to a report by the bipartisan Commission on Wartime Contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Obviously, in the different approaches by Italy and the U.S., historical and cultural differences come into play, as do the number of troops deployed and the number of military deaths suffered by each country. Italian casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan total 54, while the U.S. count is at just over 6,500 – including contractors.

There are also some similarities reminiscent of the Bush years that come along with being involved in an unpopular war. Defense Minister La Russa was quick to assert the illogical but oft-repeated mantra, “We have to carry on with the mission to honor the fallen.” Any attempts to call into discussion the mission in Afghanistan were equated with disrespecting the soldiers and their families. And there is little or no mention of the civilian deaths.

I couldn’t help think of something a veteran once told me. “The best way to honor the fallen is to stop making more of them.”

On the morning of July 8, as the Group of Eight leaders began arriving in L’Aquila, activists scaled the hill overlooking the red zone and laid out huge sheets of white plastic to form 10-meter high letters reading ‘Yes We Camp.’ As Mattia Lolli of the 3e32 Committee, which takes its name from the time the earthquake hit, explained, “We want to make sure the G8 leaders as well as public opinion in Italy know that three months after the earthquake there are still over 22,000 people living in tents.”

The G8 summit was originally to take place on the island of Sardinia. On April 23, Silvio Berlusconi, Italy’s scandal ridden prime minister, made the surprise announcement that it would be moved to L’Aquila, saying it would put the world’s spotlight on the devastated city. But that’s not how it is seen by local residents, who are still mourning the loss of friends and loved ones — 300 people died in the quake — as well as their homes and their city.

Among the first events organized by the citizens committees on the occasion of the G8 summit was a candlelit march the night of June 6, the three-month anniversary of the earthquake, to remember the victims and “shed light on the responsibilities.”¹

I arrived in L’Aquila with a group of over 40 people from Vicenza, Italy, where local residents have been working for more than three years to block construction of a new U.S. military base. Despite having worked tirelessly for weeks to organize a national demonstration just the day before on July 4th, the No Dal Molin movement in Vicenza was able to fill an entire bus for the seven-hour ride to L’Aquila, intent on showing their solidarity with the local people who, like those in Vicenza, are working to defend their city.

The march started at midnight, with 5000 people holding candles illuminating what everyone remarked is now a ghost town. Only 23,000 of the 70,000 residents remain in the city — nearly all of them living in the tent camps — while the others have been sent to hotels on the coast. “L’Aquila is Italy’s New Orleans” commented Francesca, a CodePink activist from California who was in Italy for the No Dal Molin demonstration.

Unlike most Italian marches, there were no signs, flags or banners, aside from one with the names of victims and another with two simple but effective words, ‘Truth and Justice,’ a demand seen as “the best way to keep the memory of those who are no longer with us alive.” The silence was broken only by the inappropriate sound of helicopters flying overhead monitoring this most peaceful of marches.

The police and military presence in L’Aquila had been on the increase as the G8 approached. Officers with machine guns were present at every intersection and citizens are subjected to what one 70-year-old woman referred to as “check points.” As I walked through the city in the pre dawn hours following the march, the number of police and military vehicles on the streets was overwhelming.

While waiting for a regional bus, I asked people what they thought of holding the G8 in L’Aquila. Not a single person had anything positive to say. The most common criticism was the inappropriateness of using the tragedy as a backdrop for the international summit, especially so soon after the earthquake. Others talked about how the G8 was bringing more inconvenience to people who were already suffering, with roads closures and the blocking of internet and cell phone service for the duration of the summit. In addition, the frenetic 24-hour work being done to prepare the city for the G8 took vital resources away from the reconstruction work that would help get people back into their homes before the cold of winter hits this city in the mountains.

However, it wasn’t just with the G8 that more control and restrictions were imposed on the citizens of L’Aquila. As the residents of the tent camps began to recover from the shock of the earthquake and started organizing to demand a role in the rebuilding of their city, new rules came into effect. In an attempt to stifle dissent, distributing fliers was forbidden within the camps as was organizing assemblies and meetings. As Renato of the Abruzzo Social Forum noted, “The upcoming G8 summit was then used as an excuse to crush any dissent in L’Aquila.”

But organize they did. In part thanks to the space set up in a public park by the 3e32 committee, the only place in L’Aquila where people can gather outside the tent camps and where everyone can come and go as they please — no check points! There is a main tent for events, meetings, concerts and theatre as well as an internet point and a fair trade shop.

On July 7, the day before the official start of the G8, the citizens committees organized an all-day forum. Local residents as well as people from all over Italy gathered under the 3e32 tent to talk about the reconstruction, both physical and social, of L’Aquila.

The central focus of the citizens committees is the 100% Campaign, which calls for 100% reconstruction of the city, 100% participation on the part of the local residents in the decisions that affect the city, 100% transparency regarding how reconstruction money is spent.

The funds thus far authorized by the Italian government are deemed to be insufficient to rebuild the city. If compared to the 1997 earthquake in Umbria, with more than twice the number of people left homeless, the government has authorized 20% less for the reconstruction of L’Aquila, or Euro 5.7 billion. Adding insult to injury, the Italian parliament just recently approved the purchase of 131 Lockheed Martin F-35 Joint Strike Fighter jets for a total of Euro 13 billion. It is not yet clear who Italy intends to bomb.

In addition, the Italian government has handed down a decision made with no local input to build new housing on privately owned property outside the city expropriated from small landowners, changing forever the urban makeup of the city and risking the abandonment of the historic center. In other words, creating suburbs around a medieval city! The local residents are fighting to keep their city in tact. In fact, the second part of the ‘Yes We Camp’ slogan is ‘But we won’t go away.’

Berlusconi, as owner of three private television channels and in control of the three public channels, has managed to create a very different image of L’Aquila. Antonello talked about a recent trip with his family to the seaside, where he was told, “You people from L’Aquila are so lucky! You get free meals. You’re going to have free houses. Berlusconi has solved all your problems and you have the nerve to complain!” It was reminiscent of Barbara Bush’s comments on the people living in the Astrodome in Houston, Texas after hurricane Katrina.

But the Yes We Camp protests have managed to garner media attention. As Obama passed through L’Aquila on his way to tour the damage in the historic center, activists were on hand with banners to greet his motorcade. And on July 9, as the First Ladies toured the same area, the women of L’Aquila organized the march of the “Last Ladies” and occupied an empty apartment building demanding that is be used for the people still living in tents.

There are some concerns that, as the G8 comes to a close, there will be no “withdrawal” from L’Aquila. In fact, throughout Italy, unpopular decisions handed down from the central government are increasingly enforced by the military, including the construction of incinerators at Acerra and mega-landfills at Chiaiano near Naples. Berlusconi has also threatened to use the military to enforce the construction of new the U.S. base in Vicenza and, more recently, for the construction of new nuclear power plants.

However, in each of these cases, the local people have succeeded in creating a movement to defend their territory and vindicate their right to dissent. And in this day and age of “representative systems” that are in effect killing democracy, what we see with the local citizens committees and assemblies are instead examples of true democracy.

Yes we camp. And we won’t go away!

1. Video

Weygandt noted his satisfaction “that the entire process had been developed in full compliance and that we were able to arrive at this final result.” Costa said that while no environmental impact assessment would be carried out, he assured everyone that “this project is the best possible and based on the most stringent regulations in effect in Italy and the United States.”

These words rang hollow for the thousands of local residents who have kept up constant protests against this second U.S. Military base – Vicenza is already home to Camp Ederle dating back to the 1950s – since word of the project, initially denied, first leaked out in May 2006.

Costa’s aversion to an environmental impact assessment certainly came as no surprise. Just last year a July 2007 letter from Costa to then Defense Minister Parisi surfaced, in which the Special Commissioner reiterated that an environmental impact assessment “represents an obvious risk to the possibilities of proceeding while respecting deadlines; and it is possible that it could even put the final decision in jeopardy.” An important groundwater source, supplying water to the cities of Vicenza, Padua and Rovigo, lies directly below the base.

This final approval was announced as the official opening of the construction site, yet substantial demolition work has been ongoing for weeks.

In a press release from Mayor Achille Variati, who won last year’s election thanks to his opposition to the base, Weygandt was reminded “that Vicenza has always been hospitable towards the Americans, but hospitality doesn’t translate to stupidity or lack of common sense.” Variati asked that local needs and desires be respected and announced that, having been unsuccessful in getting a response from the Italian government with regards to the environmental impact assessment, he will “take the case to the European Union.” Variati also had some advice for Costa: “the construction period will be lengthy, and if the local population’s concerns are not taken into account, that period could be drawn out to a very long time.”

The new base was initially sited for the city’s little used civilian airport Dal Molin, which is hosted inside an Italian airbase due for closure. In a failed attempt to quell fierce local opposition, in November 2007 changes were made to the project that moved the base just a few hundred meters away to the Italian military side of the same area. The airport itself has been shut down and the runway has just recently been destroyed to make room for the new base. As part of the “compensation package” offered by the Italian government, a new runway will be rebuilt on what is left of Dal Molin at a cost of 11.5 million euros to Italian taxpayers.

The announcement of the final approval did nothing to dishearten the movement that has been working for nearly three years to block construction of the second base. In fact, that same day, a demonstration was held near the entrance to the new base and the following day saw gazebos set up all over the city to talk to local residents about the latest developments with regards to the base.

And though it might be the shortest month of the year in Vicenza, February has definitely been one of the most intense. Things kicked off when over two hundred activists entered and occupied the civilian airport side of the Dal Molin site. The police had been caught completely off guard, falling for false announcements of a series of initiatives by the No Dal Molin movement slated for the following week.

Having become experts at setting up encampments – the movement has operated a permanent encampment No Dal Molin for over two years – in a matter of minutes a large tent was erected inside the airport, the occupied area was sealed off on three sides, and a new entrance was created, complete with concierge and a crosswalk painted on the street.

The police arrived on the scene in riot gear. However, in a surprise move, Enac-Veneto, the regional civilian aviation authority responsible for the ex-airport, informed the police that they were not requesting the area to be cleared, believing that forcibly removing the protesters would only serve to increase tensions. Perhaps the fact that Enac is effectively losing an airport played a role in their decision. The police packed up and left as the activists celebrated. And like clockwork, volunteers arrived with meals for the occupiers; that evening saw a choice of 4 pasta dishes!

The occupation continued for four days and concluded with two important results. First, the long awaited Parco della Pace, or Peace Park, came a step closer to becoming a reality. The city government, together with Enac, agreed to open up discussions to make a portion of the now closed airport available to the public. This was a particularly important result, as it now makes it more difficult for the area in disuse to revert to state control, which would open up the door for the U.S. military, unlikely to allow a civilian airport to operate right next door to a major military base, to be given control of the entire area. Secondly, after having been denied an official environmental impact assessment of the new base, the city, together with the volunteer technicians and engineers of the No Dal Molin movement, will carry out their own evaluation of the project using office space provided them inside the ex airport.

However, the view from inside the airport during the occupation was that of the illegal work being carried out on the new base. Trucks carrying demolition material came and went. And while important gains had been made to protect the ex airport from falling into the hands of the U.S. military, the activists knew the next step was to block the construction of the base. In fact, they had been saying from the very start back in 2006, that once construction began, they would put their bodies on the line to block it. And on Tuesday, February 10, that’s exactly what they did.

Out on the streets at 6am, over 150 people were determined to block the trucks entering and leaving the base. Waiting for the demonstrators, however, was a police presence the likes of which had never been seen in Vicenza – 400 police in riot gear had completely sealed off the area, and immediately started to push the protesters back. Realizing that they were outnumbered, the protesters reorganized and chose to target one of the companies doing work inside the base, Carta Isnardo. They arrived at the company’s headquarters just outside Vicenza and managed to block a truck for over one hour before the police arrived. 18 demonstrators were arrested, but as the protesters proclaimed, “Every minute lost by the U.S., is a minute gained by the city of Vicenza.”

Valentine’s Day brought over 7,000 citizens out into the streets to proclaim their love for their city and their determination to protect it. They were also marching to reaffirm their right to protest. Just days prior, the police chief had floated the idea of declaring the grassroots No Dal Molin movement un’associazione a delinquere, or a criminal organization. And Italian police agents have been taking down the license plate numbers of activists attending the weekly assemblies held at the Permanent Encampment No Dal Molin.

The march started from the city’s historic center, a UNESCO World Heritage site dotted with buildings by renaissance architect Andrea Palladio and just one mile from the site of the new base. Mayor Variati spoke to the crowd gathered on the square. “My role as the mayor of all the citizens of Vicenza prevents me from marching with you today. But I will continue my opposition on the legal and institutional fronts.” It ended in front of the police headquarters, where thousands held their hands up in the air to underline the non-violent nature of the movement.

City Council member and one of the leaders of the No Dal Molin movement, Cinzia Bottene, had circulated a petition calling on her colleagues to support the citizens’ right to protest and reject the ridiculous accusations of the police chief. “Participation and dissent are not forms of delinquency, but the salt of democracy.” It was signed by 18 city council members, three regional council members and nine from neighboring cities, as well as the mayor of Venice.

Meanwhile, Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi was in also Italy where she met with Prime Minister Berlusconi and thanked him for the hospitality given to U.S. troops in Italy. Speaking to Italian parliament she said, “I wonder how many Americans know that there are 14,000 U.S. troops in Italy, how many know of the Italian leadership role in combating nuclear proliferation.” She promised a new era of cooperation between the U.S. and allies. “There is no way that we will establish a policy that then imposes upon others obligations for which they have no consultation.”

Pelosi’s remarks raise a number of questions. Does the Speaker know that Italian taxpayers cover close to 40% of the operating costs of U.S. bases in Italy? Does she know that last October in a local referendum, which had officially been suspended just four days before it was to take place but was held with help of hundreds of volunteers, 95% of the 24,094 voters who did participate, voted against the new U.S base at Dal Molin? And was she aware that, while visiting the US Air Force Base in Aviano, she was practically sitting on top of 50 U.S. nuclear warheads stored at the base (another 40 are stored at the Ghedi Torre base) in violation of the spirit of the non-proliferation treaty?

On Tuesday, July 29, the Council of State, Italy’s highest administrative court, overturned the June 20 decision by the regional court of Veneto to suspend work on a second U.S. Military base in the northeastern city of Vicenza. In contrast to the regional court’s methodical examination of each of the points brought forth in the case filed by the consumer and environmental advocacy group Codacons, the appeals court summarily dismissed the case — in record time for Italy’s normally sluggish judicial system — stating that the administrative courts had no jurisdiction in what was a purely political matter. In upholding the appeal filed by the center-right Berlusconi government, a staunch ally of the Bush Administration, much of the high court’s ruling was based on the infamous 1954 Bilateral Infrastructure Agreement between Italy and the U.S., which remains classified to this day, as well as an Italian law from 1924 — when Italy was still a monarchy and under Mussolini’s fascist regime!

The appeals court went on to say that there appears to be no solid evidence of possible environmental damage caused by the new base at Dal Molin Airport. What they failed to mention is that despite repeated calls from the people of Vicenza for an assessment of the environmental impact of the base, no such study has thus far been carried out. And, judging from the September 2007 letter from the Special Commissioner Paolo Costa to then Defense Minister Arturo Parisi, of the center-left Prodi government, it was something to avoid at all costs. “It is clear that this point [Environmental Impact Study] represents an obvious risk to the possibilities of proceeding while respecting deadlines; and it is possible that it could even put the final decision in jeopardy.” (See translation of the letter below, as well as Prime Minister Prodi’s ‘Dear George’ letter)

In the period between the regional court’s ruling and that of the Council of State, a slight shift occurred in some who had not initially opposed the base. By the time the court was ready to make its ruling, the Codacons, who had made the initial filing, had been joined as plaintiffs by the City of Vicenza, the Società Aeroporti Vicentini, which manages the civil airport of Vicenza at Dal Molin, and the City of Padova, concerned about risks posed to groundwater sources located directly under the proposed base that supply both Padova and Vicenza.

The grassroots No Dal Molin movement, which has been opposing the new U.S. base since the news leaked out in May 2006, was quick to respond to what was a disappointing but not surprising result — both Berlusconi and Defense Minister La Russa had already proclaimed that the show would go on. Spreading the word with text messages, a protest was organized in a matter of just a few hours, with hundreds blocking the entrance to the site of the proposed base. Rapid-set concrete was used to bond everything from bricks and cement blocks to a toilet and bidet to the road leading to Dal Molin.

Once the entrance had been blocked, the demonstrators proceeded to organize a “protest crawl,” in which 200 cars slowly, but noisily, traversed the city to the site of the existing U.S. base of Camp Ederle, which was then encircled by the protesters. More protests are in the works for what promises to be a busy week for the No Dal Molin movement, including a “march of indignation” set for Thursday, July 31. And in early September, the second annual weeklong No Dal Molin Festival/Campout will be held.

It had already been an eventful month for the No Dal Molin movement. On June 30, the eve of the official turnover of the area to the U.S. Military, a protest march was organized from the Presidio Permanente, the permanent encampment of the movement, to the gates of the site of the proposed base. Over 1,500 people, including families with children, marched under increasingly darkening clouds. The Italian saying piove, governo ladro (it’s raining, blame the government) had never been more appropriate.

When the clouds broke, pounding the protesters with not just rain but also hail, a number of the leaders said, “Let’s turn back.” This was met by cries of “NO!” by the people. “How will we ever block this base if we let a little rain and hail stop us!” At the weekly assembly, Francesco Pavin, one of the main organizers said, “This was by far the best demonstration we have ever had!”

A group of roughly 50 remained at the entrance the entire night, which continued to be stormy, and others joined them the following day to make sure that no U.S. military vehicles entered the site as the Italian Air Force moved out.

On July 8, the Vicenza City Council held a long-awaited session dedicated to the issue of the new U.S. base. In a historic vote, the recently elected center-left majority Council not only overturned the previous administration’s October 2006 vote in favor of the new base, but also voted to hold a local referendum. With 25 in favor and 2 opposed — most of the opposition members had walked out — the motions passed.

During the debate, a number of opposition party members spoke of anti-Americanism as the driving force behind the opposition to the base. Cinzia Bottene, newly elected City Council member and leader of the grassroots movement, reminded everyone that at the Presidio Permanente, next to the No Dal Molin flag, flies a U.S. flag, with a peace sign replacing the stars, given to them by U.S. citizens united in their struggle. The people down on the square, following the session on a giant screen organized by the Presidio Permanente movement, cheered.

In an unexpected turn of events, members of the center right UDC party, who would normally have voted against the measure, abstained from voting in protest of “insulting language” used to portray Italy and Prime Minister Berlusconi during Bush’s visit to Europe in June. In a profile distributed to U.S. reporters traveling with Bush, Berlusconi was described as “one of the most controversial leaders in the history of a country known for governmental corruption and vice … regarded by many as a political dilettante who gained his high office only through use of his considerable influence on the national media …”

Despite the Council of State’s decision, which also rejected the lower court’s ruling that a local referendum was required as per the Memorandum of Understanding between the U.S. and Italy, Vicenza’s new mayor, Achille Variati, who made the issue part of his campaign, has every intention of going ahead and has set the date for the referendum for October 12. The people of Vicenza will finally have their say in a matter that has dominated local and national politics for over two years now.

Throughout the month of July, the No Dal Molin movement saw confirmed, time after time, everything they had been saying about the new base and the undemocratic manner in which the matter had been conducted. Not only by the regional court, which ruled favorably on every point, but even in the letter from Special Commissioner Costa on the need to “act in a timely manner to eliminate the reasonable concerns — because they are valid — of this opposition.” And finally by the Council of State, which in spite of its ruling, admitted that the “protests are not without objective justifications.”

Codacons intends to continue the legal battle against the base. Under a provision that allows for appeals of the decisions by the Council of State in the case of judicial flaws — Codacons is citing two errors — they will now turn to Italy’s Court of Cassation. And in October, the regional Veneto court will again take up the case, with additional evidence of risks to the environment.

The legal proceedings have brought to light new information and produced some positive results. But as Olol Jackson of the No Dal Molin movement said, “No one expects this struggle to be won in a courtroom. It will also take mass mobilization, people in the streets.” And that’s what the people in Vicenza have planned.

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Letter by Special Commissioner Costa to then Defense Minister Arturo Parisi on the need to eradicate the local opposition to the base as well as how to circumvent the Minister of the Environment’s intention of subjecting the project to an environmental impact study. [emphasis added]

Vicenza, September 17, 2007

Distinguished Sir
Honorable Professor Arturo PARISI
Minister of Defense

Dear Minister, dear Arturo,

The time has come for a final decision regarding the expansion project of the U.S. military base at the Dal Molin Airport in Vicenza.

This is a decision that can now be made by taking advantage of the groundwork done in the past months by the Commissioner (which has been summarized by the Director of GENIODIFE, General Resce) and that must now be made in order to establish a positive momentum for the completion of the project and eliminate the elements of local opposition at its roots.

As concerns external non-local opposition elements (apodictic pacifism and anti-Americanism) it will be necessary to intervene with a well thought-out information campaign that, of course, must not regard only the Commissioner.

The three day protest – increasingly characterized by anti-globalization elements – that took place in Vicenza from Thursday, September 13 to Saturday, September 15, at the conclusion of an activist campout that lasted from September 6 to 16, could be the last demonstration of opposition enjoying local support; but only if we act in a timely manner to eliminate the reasonable concerns – because they are valid – of this opposition. I am referring to the concern over traffic created by access to the new base, which could increase the problems of an already difficult traffic situation due to the historic formation of the city of Vicenza, and that of the use of the last important large green area of the city for the base expansion. These are reasonable concerns that should be separated once and for all from those tied to anti- Americanism, anti-Militarism a/o apolitical pacifism, that is, from the concerns that have nothing to do with the characteristics of the new U.S. military base in Vicenza.

After months of relative calm, due to the summer vacation period and the possibility of an alternative solution of lesser impact disclosed by the Commissioner in its communications and in its authorizations for the advancement of the project, today there are renewed risks due to the activities of the Presidio Permanente supported by the anti- globalization movements of the North East, if not those of all of Italy and beyond. It is foreseeable that tensions will increase as soon as the initial work of clearing the area, work already under contract, begins.

This is, therefore, the moment to intervene decisively and transform the possible alternative solution, which has already been made public, into a definite solution, and to start using this alternative solution in communications.

We need to be able to state – with certainty – that the new U.S. military base is nothing more that the reuse, with some expansion, of the area west of the runway, already in use by the Italian Air Force and therefore the area east of the runway, the large open field that would have been destroyed according to the first proposal, and which ignited the local opposition, would remain intact. This assertion, together with another that has already been put forth, that access to the new base will be organized, both temporarily and in the long term, so that it will not interfere with the local traffic and above all traffic crossing the historic center of Vicenza, would remove all reasonable concerns of the opposition movement.

If I may I would add, as must be added, that Vicenza will be compensated for its “sacrifice” with the completion of the new road north of the city and with other possible initiatives in the areas of higher education and health care, the complete package should pave the way for the project.

But it is imperative that we make use of all means and do so immediately.

In order to do this, it is necessary to complete the work that I have conducted, also during the month of August, with U.S. representatives (in Vicenza with the U.S. commander of Camp Ederle, in Rome with the U.S. Embassy, and in Venice during a meeting with Rep. Loretta Sanchez, Chair [note: she is a member but not chair] of the House Armed Services Committee) to convince them that the alternative “west” solution, though technically more complicated, is instead the only solution that, if defined immediately, can make it through the authorization process and possible legal proceedings while still meeting deadlines foreseen by the United States for the transfer of the paratrooper contingent from Germany to Italy. I demonstrated to the U.S. officials how it is still possible to respect the deadlines with the “west” solution, while I warned them that this solution is certainly more costly (and therefore they must obtain the additional funds needed from now to 2011).

The Prime Minister is aware of this proposed solution and he has given me the go ahead.

It follows that several documents from the respective Ministries will be necessary, first and foremost the Defense Ministry.

The first, and this is crucial, is the definition and respect of a date not after June 30, 2008 for the liberation on the part of the Italian Air Force of the Dal Molin area. I realize there are some difficulties, also of a financial nature, tied to the helicopter maintenance program, however these must be overcome — perhaps taking advantage of the budget session that will take place at the end of the month — because the definition of a date is a fundamental condition to reassure the U.S. regarding the respect of deadlines for the completion of the project. The decision should be made by the end of the month in order to add it as an amendment to the call for bids to be published by September 30, 2007 so that bidding companies will be in a position to consider this date in the offers they must present by October 16, 2007.

It is evident that this decision must be communicated in a timely manner to General Enrico Pino of the COMIPA (Joint Committee on Military Servitude) of the Veneto Region, which will examine the project – both solutions east and west of the runway – on September 26, 2007.

The second regards the decision of whether or not the expansion project of the U.S. military base in Vicenza is subject to a VIA (Evaluation of Environmental Impact).

It is clear that this point represents an obvious risk to the possibilities of proceeding while respecting deadlines; and it is possible that it could even put the final decision in jeopardy, since currently is it entirely predictable (and has already been practically announced) that the Minister of the Environment intends to subject the project to a VIA. This can only give rise to likely obstacles – the case of the MOSE project has set an indicative precedent – capable of being resolved only through the extreme solution of a resolution by the Council of Ministers, which could result in lacerations that in a moment such as this I believe are better avoided.

According to legal opinions I have gathered, which the State Attorney Marco Corsini, who is assisting me in the activities of the Commissioner, is ready to discuss with those from your office, the project of the U.S. base at Dal Molin is not subject to a VIA since it is an administrative procedure relative to “facilities destined for national defense” (which are associated with infrastructures financed with NATO funds and other allied forces) introduced by petition prior to July 31, 2007, the date in which Law 152/2006 went into effect, and therefore subject to regulations in act previously (see article 52, comma 2), and for such type of intervention the VIA is excluded.

I therefore feel that while we await the necessary analysis, we should avoid expressing willingness toward the position of the Minister of the Environment, expressions that perhaps in the view of political opportunity could help attenuate some current pressures, but that later would be difficult to retract.

It seems to me evident, in any event, that asserting that the project is not subject to the VIA would be more promising if referred to the project of substantial re-use of the existing Italian military structures (west solution) rather than the use of the large open field (east solution).

The third act, to be put together starting with the Defense Ministry and to be concluded under the direction of the Prime Minister’s Office, regards the elaboration and the signing of a “framework agreement” with all interested parties in order to make official the deadlines, actions and responsibilities, to which appropriate publicity will be given.

Best regards,

Paolo Costa

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Letter by then Prime Minister Romano Prodi to George Bush communicating his government’s approval of the base. This informal letter has been offered as a response to the regional court’s ruling that no formal government act had ever been presented regarding the matter.

Rome, May 18, 2007

Mr. President, Dear George,

In a few days we will see each other in Germany for the G8 summit and again in Rome shortly afterwards. I am particularly pleased to have these two opportunities to meet, which I am certain will be useful occasions to review a series of issues of mutual interest in the spirit of the friendship that has always represented our bilateral relations.

In this sense, I would like to inform you of the decision by my government to give its consent to the expansion of the U.S. base in Vicenza through the use of the Dal Molin Airport in the same city.

I further inform you that I intend to nominate the Honorable Paolo Costa as my representative to facilitate the completion of the expansion and to coordinate the relationships between the central administrations and the agencies involved in the project.

In this context, the Minister of Defense – through the Joint Chiefs of Staff – will cooperate as regards the Italian side of the execution of the project under the framework provided by the Bilateral Infrastructure Agreement of 1954.

I am certain that such provisions will guarantee us a swift execution of the work in the interest of all, the US Military and the economic and social interests of the area.

I look forward to seeing you soon in Heiligendamm as well as Rome and I send my best wishes.

With profound friendship,

Romano Prodi

Translations by Stephanie Westbrook

Round One

In the mid-April elections that came after the collapse last January of the center-left government led by Romano Prodi, the center-right coalition led by media magnate, billionaire and staunch Bush ally Silvio Berlusconi not only beat out former Rome Mayor and leader of the newly formed Democratic Party, Walter Veltroni, but also with a very comfortable 9-point lead.

In a campaign run on fear of immigrants, aided by the all too fresh memory of the Prodi government that managed disillusion across the board, and with the benefit of his 3 television networks, Berlusconi’s newly formed coalition, Popolo della libertà, People of Freedom — comprised of his Forza Italia party and Alleanza Nazionale, which has its roots in the neo fascist party MSI — together with the Lega Nord, Northern League, gained a whopping 98 seat margin in the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house, and 42 in the Senate.

With Forza Italia and Alleanza Nazionale running under the umbrella of Popolo della Libertà, which aims to become a full fledged party this year, the numbers for individual parties are unclear. This is not the case, however, of the xenophobic Lega Nord, which chose to retain its identity and managed to double its numbers from the 2006 elections, scoring as much as 27% in Veneto and over 20% in Lombardy, and making a decisive contribution to the right’s victory.

And for the first time in the Italian Republic’s 60-year history, there will be no Communist party represented in Parliament. With the formation of the center-left Democratic Party, which shut out more left leaning former allies, Italy’s two communist parties, Rifondazione Comunista and Comunisti Italiani, together with the Green Party and the Socialists created their own coalition, the Rainbow Left. However with only 3% of the vote, they failed to gain a single seat. Rifondazione alone had over 7% of the vote in 2006. Political cartoonist Vauro summed it up nicely with panda asking the Greens, “And you wanted to save us?”

The elimination of the Italian left from the political scene can be attributed in part to the voto utile, or useful vote, with the two major forces in this election calling on voters to not waste their vote on smaller parties or coalitions. Dario Franceschini of the Democratic Party went so far as to summon the specter of Ralph Nader’s bid for the 2000 US elections to make the point. And the Rainbow Left’s 2008 campaign as a balancing force to an eventual broad coalition between Veltroni and Berlusconi failed to garner votes.

But it was also due to the voto critico, or critical vote, as a part of their voters simply didn’t show up at the polls or chose to put a blank ballot in the box. By participating in the more centrist Prodi government, the leftist parties had hoped to push it to the left, but instead ended up alienating their base. Under Prodi, parliament failed to re-write Berlusconi’s labor laws, voted to continue financing the military mission in Afghanistan and to send troops to Lebanon. Prodi further signed on to such “winning” US military projects as the F-35 fighter jet — the most expensive weapons program in history — and the Missile Defense System. In addition, military spending increased by 23% in two years and construction of the new US military base in Vicenza was approved in spite of strong national and local opposition.

The smaller parties of the far right fared no better. There has been a move over the past years away from a the fragmented system of numerous small parties forming coalitions that went from center to far left and right toward more of a two party system. It all culminated last autumn, as the fall of the teetering Prodi government became imminent, with the formation of the Partito Democratico followed by the creation of the Popolo della Libertà coalition.

This less fragmented system resulting from the elections has been praised by many, as the sprawling coalitions made it difficult to govern: Italy has had 62 governments since WWII. However, others are concerned this lack of representation for large slices of society will lead to further radicalization of the extra parliamentary left and right.

Round Two

The political elections had been combined with already scheduled administrative elections for what was dubbed Election Day, where 2 regional, 9 provincial, 71 city governments were on the line. The majority of these contests were settled in run-off elections held this past Sunday and Monday. And the right’s victory turned into a triumph. Prior to elections, the center-left governed 42 cities and the center-right 24. The situation was inverted, with the center-right now governing 43 and the center-left 24.

But the biggest defeat by far took place in the capital. Just three days after the Festa di Liberazione, which celebrates the liberation of Italy from Nazi-Fascism, Rome elected a mayor who began his political career in the neo-fascist MSI party.

Though he lost by over 5 points in the first round, Gianni Alemanno of the Alleanza Nazionale party, which was founded in 1995 by Gianfranco Fini after he dissolved MSI, came back to win by over 7 points in the run-off against Democratic Party candidate Francesco Rutelli, mayor of Rome prior to Veltroni, but more recently Minister of Cultural Heritage in Prodi’s government. On Wednesday, Fini was elected President of the Chamber of Deputies.

Monday evening, as the results became clear, supporters gathered on the Campidoglio, seat of the city government, to celebrate the results. Photos of young men with arms stretched out in the saluto romano, or fascist salute, covered the newspapers the next day. Alemanno and Fini are trying to distance themselves from their neo-fascist history, but those photos will remain in the minds of Romans for some time.

The success of the right in Rome’s run-off elections can be attributed in part to the success of the national elections two weeks ago. And just as the national campaign was run on fear of immigrants, so it was in Rome. However, there was also some fatigue after 15 years of Rutelli and Veltroni, evidenced also by the win of Partito Democratico candidate Zingaretti in Rome’s provincial elections, and many believe voters of the Rainbow Left simply didn’t show up at the polls.

It would be comforting to chalk all this up to electronic voting. However, Italians vote by marking a paper ballot with a pencil; the ballots are then counted by hand in front of observers from all parties. And while Berlusconi did have a distinct advantage as the owner of three television networks and several newspapers and periodicals, Italy also has a par condicio law, which guarantees equal time to all political parties, so television viewers heard from everyone from the far left to the far right. The par condicio also prohibits polling in the final 15 days and political rallies or television appearances the day before the elections in a welcome “day of silence.”

This law may soon become a thing of the past, though. Berlusconi blasted it as “undemocratic” throughout the elections, going on to praise the system in the US, which awards the person who has raised the most money, as more democratic.

The Silver Lining

Against this bleak backdrop, a ray of hope shines through. In the northern city of Vicenza, the citizen activists of the Presidio permanente No Dal Molin, who have been working for two years to block construction of a second US military base in their historic city, decided just weeks before the elections to form a municipal list with no party affiliation. Cinzia Bottene, who has become and icon of the movement and one of its the leaders from the start, ran as candidate for mayor, and 40 others from the Presidio as candidates for city council.

In the first round, the Vicenza Libera No Dal Molin list made a spectacular showing, gaining close to 5% of the vote, ahead of national parties such as the centrist UDC and the Rainbow Left. Bottene didn’t get enough votes in her bid for mayor, but she will have a seat on city council.

As with all decisions made by the movement, the discussions on whether or not to form the list took place at public assemblies at the Presidio, or permanent encampment, headquarters for the movement. Not all were in favor, with some concerned about mixing movement and politics, but in the end the argument that the movement, which has been experimenting an open participatory democracy for some time, should take that practice to the local government won out.

The Vicenza Libera list had an opportunity to test the waters in late February when they collected 6178 signatures in one day — they were hoping for 1000 — in support of the movement after several exponents had been placed under investigation for non violent activism against the new military base.

In the short time Vicenza Libera had to campaign, they focused on three main points: policies of peace, defense of true democratic principles and the protection of the environment. The issue of the environment was at the forefront just days after presenting the list when a pipeline, which supplies the US air base at Aviano with kerosene from the port of Livorno and the US base at Camp Darby, broke near Vicenza, contaminating the rivers Astichello and Bacchiglione.

The movement never took a backseat to the campaign. In fact, on the last day for campaigning, the activists and candidates of the Presidio traveled to Ravenna and the offices of the cooperative CMC, which had just been awarded the Euro 245 million contract to build the new military base in Vicenza. “Only crazy people like us would leave the city on the final day of the campaign,” commented Cinzia Bottene. The fact that U.S. Naval Facilities Engineering Command chose to award the deal to CMC, a cooperative close to the parties of the center left, did not come as a surprise. What better way to guarantee bi-partisan support!

In the first round of voting in Vicenza, no candidate gained more than 50% of the vote, so a run-off pitted Popolo della Libertà candidate Lia Sartori, with 39%, against former Vicenza mayor Achille Variati, with 31%.

As the parties and lists of the right started making alliances for the run-off, Variati began to court Vicenza Libera, knowing just how valuable their votes would be. Variati, a candidate of the Partito Democratico, which has already said the question of the base is closed, had been speaking out against the base, and long before the election campaign, in particular the less than democratic manner in which the issue had been handled.

Vicenza Libera had made their position clear from the start, with no intention of joining forces with any political party, nor accepting any political appointments in exchange for support. “We are not for sale,” said Bottene. Adding that the only way for him to gain their support would be to take a strong stand against the base and commit to opposing the base if elected.

A delegation from Vicenza Libera met with Variati. He made three pledges: to revoke the city council measure approving the base, to hold a referendum on the new base, something the movement had been requesting for almost two years, and to ask for a moratorium on construction until the results of the referendum are known. Variati is very familiar with the determination of the movement to hold politicians to account, so there is hope that this is not simply an empty campaign promise. Vicenza Libera asked their supporters to vote for Variati.

And it did the trick. In an unexpected turn of events, Variati won, 50.5% to 49.5%; a major victory in a region considered to be a stronghold of the right. The main square of Vicenza filled with celebration, and the predominant flag was that of No Dal Molin.

Cinzia Bottene now finds herself in a somewhat unusual situation. Though the issue of the new base at Dal Molin was a determining factor in Variati’s victory, she is technically part of the opposition — Vicenza Libera is independent and therefore not part of the majority — and will be seated together with the center right council members. But she was voted in because of her unwavering position against the base and commitment to represent the citizens of Vicenza, making the issue of where she is seated a minor detail. “Our desire is not to gain power but to ‘open’ the city council to the people.”

Tuesday night following the elections, at the weekly assembly of the Presidio, which continues to draw hundreds of citizens, they celebrated and speculated on future careers for the now out of work city council members. But the celebration came only after issuing a press release calling on Variati to respect the pact and oppose the base. The following day, it was back to work on what everyone realizes is a struggle far from over.

We traveled from Rome and Florence to this city in the north of Italy, famous for the architecture of Andrea Palladio and a Unesco World Heritage Site. And more recently it has become known throughout Italy and Europe as a symbol of grassroots struggle against U.S. militarism.

We also wanted to take advantage of the opportunity to visit the existing base of Camp Ederle, but with more than hot dogs and frisbies on our minds. We arrived at the security checkpoint wondering if our bags stuffed with flyers on the Appeal for Redress a petition started by active duty service members calling for the immediate withdrawal from Iraq, and cards on the GI Rights Hotline, which offers counseling on everything from discharges and conscientious objector status to sexual harassment, would make it through. After a short line and a casual check of our bags, we were in.

Only a small portion of the sprawling base was open to the public, including the area around the football and baseball fields where the main festivities were being held. The Military Police were out in force, as were Italian Carabinieri. Deciding it best to first to find places to simply leave the flyers and cards, we hit the restrooms at the bowling alley and the Veneto Club, as well as the video games and slot machines. (For more on slot machines at overseas military bases, click here)

Having never set foot on a military base, we were also curious to take a walk around. At first glance, it might have seemed similar to a country fair. But then you notice the enormous military vehicles on display instead of tractors, the trained dogs exhibiting their skills at finding explosives, and the tables selling baked goods with logos that included things like skulls and swords. Most startling was the sight of 4 women playing volleyball on a special field setup so that they were up to their knees in, and covered with, mud!

We strolled up and down the main street handing out the small but information packed GI Rights cards, carefully designed by someone who knows the importance of being discreet on a military base. Everyone we encountered took them with interest.

Just before leaving to go over to the “Independence From Military Bases” celebrations on the main square in Vicenza, we decided to take a photo with our No Dal Molin flag, symbol of the protests against the new base. Just seconds after taking the photo, as we were folding the flag to put it away, 4 or 5 military police came charging over saying, “No, no, you can’t do that!” They asked, “Is that a “No Dal Molin” flag?” as one tried to take it but we held on to it tightly. They then ordered us to follow them. We explained we were on our way out and contested having done anything wrong, asking to see, in writing, any regulations against taking photos. There was no arguing with them so we decided to follow them and as we passed, two carabinieri were also “ordered” to come with us, though they seemed a bit hesitant and didn’t understand the urgency of it all.

As we arrived at the makeshift police station, two apparently high- ranking Italian police officers — with cooler heads — asked what was happening. We explained in Italian and they suggested everyone calm down and then informed the MPs that they would be escorting us to the exit, which is exactly what we wanted. They even offered to file a complaint if the MPs had treated us improperly, but at that point we just wanted off the base. The cultural differences were blatantly apparent in the two different approaches to the situation.

On our way to the exit, one of the Italian officers asked Nancy, “What does it feel like to be on a small piece of your homeland in Italy?” Nancy, looking around at all the military uniforms, police, barricades and barriers, replied, “This doesn’t really resemble my homeland.”

The irony of it all was after all that, we discovered the photo didn’t come out!

A completely different atmosphere was to be found on the main square in Vicenza. A giant Italian peace flag was flapping in the breeze, to the delight of the children, and the U.S. peace flag we left with the movement last December was flying over the main tent. Under the portico a video on the realities of war was being screened with a banner above reading, “Is this really what you want?”

Over 1,000 people were there, savoring pasta made from grain grown on lands freed from the mafia with a sauce made from organic tomatoes and mozzarella, sipping the movement’s very own wine, viNO dal Molin, and enjoying locally produced watermelon. A table selling No Dal Molin t-shirts, jackets, hats and bags quickly ran out of the most popular items. And the “mojito” station, complete with mint leaves gathered at the permanent encampment near the proposed base, which has been open 24 hours a day since last January, raised money for the monthly newspaper of the movement.

A theatrical representation by the women making up the Gruppo Donne of the movement, “Alla fiera del Nord-Est,” recounted the movement’s short but action packed history and drew a huge crowd, as did the performance of the songs — in the local dialect — that have become symbols of this movement. Speakers read from Henry David Thoreau on civil disobedience and from the U.S. Declaration of Independence, drawing parallels to the current situation in Vicenza. We were also given the chance to talk about our experience on the Ederle base earlier that day and received the usual enthusiastic round of applause. The local band Osteria Popolare Berica got much of the crowd off their feet and dancing as the fun went on until midnight.

This was the first ever “Independence From Military Bases” celebration in Vicenza, and with the Italian government’s official approval of the new U.S. base just a few weeks ago, curiously timed to coincide with a $2 billion contract awarded to the Italian aeronautical group Finmeccanica, some may think it a bit premature. But it was organized by the local people with the conviction that the new base will not be built, that they will succeed in protecting their future. “We want a city free of armies and military bases. This 4th of July, we celebrate the city of Vicenza that is to come.”

Viva l’indipendenza!

As news of the proposal leaked out in May 2006, following years of secret negotiations, the people of Vicenza, led by women, mounted a grassroots campaign the likes of which had never been seen in the hardworking town in the north of Italy. With little or no experience as activists, they organized debates, vigils and protests against the further militarization of their city. What began as a local movement grew to become a national cause in all of Italy, leading to a demonstration on February 17, which saw 200,000 people protest in this town of 120,000.

After a year of expressing dissent with their own government, only to see them give in to pressure from the U.S. in January, the organizers decided to take their message to Capitol Hill. With the help of U.S. peace activists, including Medea Benjamin of CodePink and David Swanson of AfterDowningStreet, I accompanied a delegation of 4 to Washington DC to lobby Congress and spread the word to the American people.

We met with Congress members and staffers, many completely unaware of the new base or the local opposition, which came as a surprise to Cinzia Bottene and Thea Valentina Gardellin, two of the women leading the Italian delegation. During the meetings, Cinzia and Thea talked of Vicenza’s status, with its treasures of Renaissance architect Andrea Palladio, as a UNESCO World Heritage site. They expressed the people´s alarm at the impact the new base would have on the city, with increased traffic, pollution, water and energy consumption as well as risk to the ground water resources directly beneath the site, not to mention the concern many have of becoming a terrorist target. However, nothing was as telling as the photo taken from the hills over Vicenza showing the proposed base site in the heart of the city and just one mile from the historic center.

But the main message the Italians tried to drive home was that the people of Vicenza will never accept the new base and are prepared to do everything in their power to halt construction. The campaign against the base has succeeded in uniting people across political and social boundaries, and in mobilizing the residents of Vicenza, not known for political activism, to speak out and openly express their dissent. Shortly after news of the base became public, over 10,000 signatures were collected in just 10 days in opposition to the base. The local government has denied requests for a referendum, but a poll conducted in October 2006 showed over 2/3 of the people oppose the new base and a whopping 85% favor a local referendum to resolve the issue.

Local organizers have kept up constant protests over the last year, from blocking the train station upon Prime Minister Prodi’s unexpected announcement in January that the Italian government would not oppose the base, an announcement made during a trip abroad shortly before a deadline given by the U.S. Ambassador to Italy, to the peaceful occupation of the Basilica Palladiana, symbol of the city. Weekly City Council meetings are filled with activists and a permanent camp, open 24 hours a day, has been setup on donated land across from the new base site. Though there has never once been an incident of violence, the U.S. Embassy in Italy continues to issue warnings for many of the demonstrations.

Along with the local protests, two national demonstrations have been organized and members of the citizens’ committees have traveled throughout Italy as well as other European countries to participate in debates and round table talks. The recent international conference against foreign bases in Quito, Ecuador was all abuzz over the struggle in Vicenza.

There were a few exceptions to the lack of awareness on the issue that seemed to pervade Capitol Hill, including newly elected Congresswoman Shea-Porter who knew about the opposition to the base, and upon invitation to travel to Vicenza and see the situation for herself, promised to make one of her next trips abroad to Italy.

We also met with three members of the professional staff of Senate subcommittees on Readiness (Armed Services) and Military Construction (Appropriations), who were well aware of the planned base, as they had all traveled numerous times to the site, years before the citizens of Vicenza knew about the proposal. One had recently participated in a hearing where witnesses confirmed the Italian government’s support of the new base. Unfortunately, the session dedicated to foreign bases was behind closed doors.

They informed us that the first part of the funds for the construction of the base had already been appropriated ($223 million), with the second part ($173 million) up for a vote this October. However, they are still awaiting official word from the Italian government in the form of construction permits.

One member of Congress stood out from the rest. Rep. Dennis Kucinich took a firm stand against the new base, stating that what we need to be doing is closing rather than opening new bases. He also offered to circulate a letter to his colleagues in the House asking that they oppose the base in Vicenza.

Over the weekend, I spent some time at the Library of Congress looking for information on some of the bilateral agreements between Italy and the U.S. from the 1950s regarding “defense” and use of infrastructure. I was able to print copies of several treaties, including the Mutual Security Act, which states that while for the moment the U.S. has bases in Italy and enjoys impunity and tax breaks, should there ever be a need for Italian bases in the U.S., the same benefits will be afforded the Italian military. This gave rise to much laughter from the Italian delegation. Unfortunately, the one document of most interest, the Bilateral Infrastructure Agreement of 1954 dealing specifically with U.S. military bases in Italy, remains classified.

Following our meetings with members of Congress, we turned our attention to the National Italian-American Foundation. We met with the Managing Director for Government Relations and Public Policy, who was once again unaware of the issue. He explained that the organization exists to favor relations between the two countries. Cinzia and Thea replied that nothing is creating more tension or doing more damage than the issue of the new base in Vicenza.

Our last stop before returning to Italy was at the Italian Embassy. After trying in vane to set up a meeting with the ambassador or a representative, we decided to organize a protest in front of the embassy. Just minutes away from the embassy, and with the fabulous women of CodePink already in front of the building, Cinzia received a phone call inviting the Italian delegation to the embassy.

They met with the Deputy Ambassador, who agreed that the entire matter had been handled poorly and that the new base would be problematic for Vicenza. He was aware of the situation, though the Embassy had never been involved in any of the negotiations. While the Italians were inside, we kept up the protest outside, banging pots and pans, which have become a symbol of the movement in Vicenza, and shouting slogans in English and Italian over the megaphone.

Much of the feedback we received over the course of the trip was along the same lines. There was talk of Italy being a strategic ally of the U.S. as well as the need for U.S. bases to provide security. However, the people of Vicenza are not feeling much like equal partners and certainly do not feel any safer with a U.S. military presence in their city. The references to economic benefits of the new base were quickly shot down with facts on Italian taxpayer contributions to the operating costs of U.S. bases, which hover around 37%, not to mention the many tax breaks the U.S. military enjoys.

By far the most positive experience during the trip was the atmosphere at the CodePink House where we were staying. It was Activist Central, bustling with activity from early morning to late at night, and with an incredible spirit of collaboration. This only helped motivate us each day for our full schedule of meetings and the struggle against the Goliath of the U.S. military.

Meanwhile, back in Vicenza, the people have kept up the protests and more are in the works. We arrived back just in time for the weekly assembly at the permanent encampment, which draws around 200 people. In fact, it was standing room only with people spilling out the doorway. Reports from the past week included the successful presence at an invitation only concert featuring the military band from the existing base of Camp Ederle on one of the most prestigious squares in the city. It was a blatant attempt to win over the people of the city; however, few showed up. In fact, those involved with the campaign against the base arrived early to guarantee a place near the stage only to find the square virtually empty. The shuttle buses provided by the city went up and down the hill with no passengers. Despite the incredible police presence, including metal detectors to enter the public square, no doubt looking for pots and pans rather than weapons, more than fifty protesters were able to get past the checkpoints. As the concert began, they pulled their “No Dal Molin” flags out and stood in silent protest.

The courses on non-violent resistance continue as the people prepare to put their bodies on the line to block the bulldozers should construction start. No official ground breaking date has been announced, however the feeling here is that it will be sometime this summer, following the provincial elections at the end of May. The pre-solicitation period for bidding concluded in March and will be awarded June 15.

As I sat through the assembly, which went on until after midnight, I couldn’t help thinking of the number of times we had been told in Washington that the focus should be putting pressure on the Italian government. That is exactly what they have been doing for the past year!

U.S. citizens can get involved by signing a petition opposing the base addressed to the Chairs of the House and Senate Armed Services Committee.