Perhaps even more shocking is the fact that the bodies of the three victims remained in the apartment one month after they had starved to death.  They were only discovered when the landlord of the apartment complex called the police and went with officers to demand payment of months overdue rent.  Newspaper reports indicate that the family was several months behind on the rent and that electric and gas service to the apartment had already been shut off.  Neighbors reported that the family had asked at least one neighbor for assistance, but was turned away and told to go to the Social Welfare office.

The fact that the landlord was the only person interested in the fate of the family is a stunning, yet increasingly familiar, example of the social isolation many people experience today.  Of course, neither the landlord nor the police were driven by humanistic impulses to check on the family, their visit was motivated purely by money.  The relationship between the family and the landlord was a market relationship – the landlord using his property ownership to extract money from the family who might otherwise face homelessness.  Nothing unusual here.  Most of us are engaged in similar relationships.

What’s new about the situation that led to these deaths by starvation is that these market relations are now often the only human relationships people participate in.  A profound sense of social isolation has been growing inside of capitalist society.  As people are forced to spend more time at work, spaces for social interaction collapse and daily life is reduced to a series of market relations arbitrated by money.  This is particularly true in Japan, where decades of economic decline have undermined social bonds of solidarity by  introducing  casual labor – jobs with no guarantee of future employment, rising homelessness and a generational dislocation that has left the elderly to fend for themselves.

About 4.6 million elderly people now live alone in Japan and the number of people dying at home has increased by 61% between 2003 and 2010, from 1,364 to 2,194, according to the Bureau of Social Welfare and Public Health in Tokyo.   Although there are a number of civil society initiatives underway to attempt to combat this growing isolation, social conventions such as prohibitions on helping neighbors and unattainable notions of the proper family structure have combined with cuts to welfare state budgets to undermine those efforts.

And socially isolated Japanese will find that they are part of a global trend launched in large part by the world’s largest capitalist economy – the United States.  Since the shift to neoliberal economics in the 1970’s, US residents have been at the cutting edge of trends of social isolation.   Evidence of the extent of this mass alienation came in a 2006 study which reported that one in four of those interviewed had no one with whom they could discuss personal troubles.  And, compared with 1985, nearly 50% more people in 2004 reported that the only person they can confide in was their spouse.  As the left-wing psychoanalyst Harriet Fraad has indicated, with the exception of self-help groups and fundamentalist churches, nearly all voluntary social groups, like bowling leagues, that might offer a sense social solidarity have disappeared.

Much like in Japan, the trends toward social isolation have been re-enforced by sharp reductions in welfare state spending in the US.  Many of these came in the mid-1990s during the administration of Democratic President Bill Clinton who pledged to “end welfare as we know it.”  Welfare cuts backed up by a growth in casual labor have resulted in a massive increase in the number of hours spent at work.  More than 80% of males in the US and 60% of female workers spend more than 40 hours a week at work. Compare this with a Scandinavian country such as Norway where about 20% of males and 7% of females work more than 40 hours of week.   Voluntary social groups collapsed as more and more free time was consumed by wage work.  The result is the neoliberal dream, a society of individuals – slaves to their worksites, in terror of their bosses and unable to relate to one another after decades of social isolation.

This is the socio-economic recipe that can allow for people to starve to death inside of two of the richest societies in the history of the world.  We should use this gruesome example to evaluate two other situations.  The first comes from Greece where economic crisis is being translated into savage cuts to wages and social welfare.  If you wonder why popular movements in Greece are resisting this austerity so militantly, think of this family in Saitama starving to death alone in their apartment.  This is precisely the future that the people of Greece are resisting.  And it is how we might evaluate our own life possibilities.  Do we want to live in a society where it is possible to be so socially isolated that you can starve to death and the only person who will care is your landlord and the police?

Consider this as an extended description of why I am a democratic socialist and a prime cultural motivation for the recent Occupy Wall Street movement.  Occupy has created a social space where people can get back to relating with each other based on a common humanity and desire for an ethical society.  And socialism has always held up a mirror to capitalist society and said that there is more than enough food to feed everyone in the world, that people should have time enough to develop themselves fully and that every human life is precious, carrying with it the nearly unlimited possibilities to make our world a better place.   The next great radical movement in US history will be one with a unquenchable desire to reverse the damage done by neoliberal capitalism.  In other words to take on the necessary task of re-connecting humanity.

Inevitably, after peeling past the pre-programmed slogans Ron Paulistas bring with them, you will discover a person – generally white and overwhelmingly male – looking for some alternative to mainstream politics. Ever susceptible to slick marketing campaigns thanks to a solid diet of American television, these zealots have bought it hook line and sinker in a typical conspiratorial fashion. The lynchpin is the Federal Reserve, a seemingly mysterious institution, which in the world of Ron Paul politics stands in as a more acceptable substitute for the variety of other conspiracy theories floating through far-right America including the Bilderbergs, the rich as secret lizard people and the Masons.

Yet, the idea that Ron Paul offers a kind of alternative to mainstream politics falls apart quite easily upon inspection. There are three primary reasons for this – two relate to Paul himself and the other is a function of mainstream politics more generally. In the end, it is more accurate to say that Ron Paul is mainstream politics unmasked, a raw version of what both Democrats and Republicans desire to become if left to their own devices.

Key to this is seeing Ron Paul economics for what they are. Forget the Fed. Leave aside all the slogans about “living within our means” and “punishing generations with debt” for a moment. Ron Paul is the most pro-corporate politician in the Presidential race. His economic policies would further unleash multinational corporations and the 1% who own them onto American society – with absolutely no restraints. Paul is virulently anti-union in part because unions give workers a collective identity in order to regulate worksites. He opposes government regulation on employers since he connects their activity to his notion of “liberty.” And he has repeatedly associated taxation, even taxation of the corporate world, as an affront to freedom.

Taken together, Ron Paul’s notion of economic liberty is an only slightly disguised version of the hyper-neoliberal ideas that have been circulating since the 1980s. What is different now is that the circulation is taking place in the aftermath of an economic crisis that has unmasked the bankruptcy of the very idea Paul is promoting – capitalist economics. Although Paul presents his economic proposals as alternative non-mainstream notions, they fit perfectly inside the rise of the multinational corporations and the deep enrichment of the 1%. Albert Einstein offered the best bit of advice on how to deal with folks like Ron Paul when he said “We can’t solve problems by using the same kind of thinking we used when we created them.” Giving corporate America a free hand to rampage through our economy, our communities and our environment is more of the same.

Ron Paul supporters mix this pro-corporate economic package with a fairly typical set of reactionary social policies. He has opposed any legislation in support of gay marriage on the Federal level and was neutral on the “don’t ask don’t tell” seeing the problem as less one of discrimination and more of “seeing people as part of groups.” Paul’s positions on race are even murkier due to his frequent open associations with white supremacists and the general acceptance of his ideas amongst this repugnant community. But his most explicit reactionary position is reserved for gender, more specifically the issue of sexual harassment. Here, Paul claims that anything less than penetration does not qualify as sexual harassment – words don’t matter. Females who file sexual harassment suits are, according to Paul, oppressing others. They should, instead, just exercise their right to choose a different job. Misogynist victim blaming at its worst.

The final reason that Ron Paul is not an alternative is the very reason that links him to mainstream politics. Just like Obama, Romney and Gingrich, he offers no concrete plans to address the problems that most affect people’s everyday lives. He doesn’t have a serious plan for housing. He would, just as his counterparts, continue the failed capitalist housing policies, probably adding some rhetorical flair about the liberty and freedom built into the feelings of anxiety most Americans feel when it comes to housing. His education policy is similarly irresponsible. Paul chooses to devolve education decisions onto state and local government while giving private enterprises a strong hand in further commodifying education in America. And on health care, his policies are merely a pumped up version of the pro-market policies of his Democratic and Republican counterparts.

Although Paul’s foreign policy position is trumpeted as being far off from his Republican counterparts, it contains many mainstream elements. Paul himself is always quick to indicate that his “non-interventionist” position does not mean that he wishes to radically transform the US military. He constantly issues the call for a “strong national defense” which translates into a well-funded military. As he stated directly in a recent interview, “My Plan to Restore America does not cut one penny of defense.”

Unfortunately, Liberals and even some Greens have taken the anti-war bait and Ron Paul has been able to make coalitions with otherwise ideological opponents such as Dennis Kucinich and Ralph Nader. This has given Paul some cred among anti-war types while creating confusion between having a position against military intervention and being anti-militarist.

While the “Ron Paul as alternative” charade rolls along, candidates carrying ideas clearly outside of the mainstream struggle to carve out some media attention. One is from my own organization, the Socialist Party USA – Stewart Alexander. Alexander is running campaign for President on a platform filled with radical ideas that would address many of the problems raised by the 2008 economic crisis. He has some new medicine for an old illness.

On economics, the Alexander/Mendoza campaign recognizes the destructive role of the 1%. Creating a progressive tax structure that captures the wealth at the top of society, designing a banking system that works like a highly regulated public utility and addressing the unemployment crisis by viewing a job as a human right means transforming an economic system that has failed the 99%. Similar proposals to open the education to all, to preserve our precious natural resources and to fund a worker owned and managed cooperative sector are clearly different than the re-hashed blather being served up by mainstream politicians.

Economic democracy is also connected to personal freedom. The Alexander/Mendoza campaign is one of the few that recognizes just how corporate power prevents Americans from fully exercising their civil rights. Corporations are not people and people need a voice – a voice that will be unchained as a result of electoral reform, the breaking up of media monopolies and the campaign’s support of people’s right to self-determination whether it be through marriage, adoption or alternative family structures.

Finally, Stewart Alexander is offering a radically different approach to the military. He is a passionate anti-militarist. Both he and his running mate, the ex-Marine, Alex Mendoza know the wasteful destruction that the US military has created. The pair call for a closing of all foreign bases, an end to security state measures and, unlike Ron Paul, an immediate 50% reduction in the military budget. They understand that anti-militarism is about more than opposing intervention – it is about re-thinking how our country relates to the rest of the world.

So, as the Presidential campaign heats up, it is important to see past the media spin – especially when the spinning is done in order to create false alternatives. The Obama campaign will certainly begin its own campaign to present their candidate as offering solutions beyond the mainstream. Such claims will be every bit as shallow as the notion that Ron Paul offers some new set of ideas worthy of the mantle of being alternative. There are some alternatives out there and their voices need to be heard. One of them will be running red, on the ticket of the Socialist Party USA and carrying with him the hope of moving past the miserable future created for us by capitalism.

On the Bridge

We marched through downtown Manhattan.  There were thousands of us – mostly young, many in the 20-30 year old age group who are facing an economic system that offers no prospects for a future.  The chants on the march were enlivening – “We are the 99%,” “All day, all week!  Occupy Wall Street!.”  Better than just the words was the inviting approach offered by the protesters.  Since we presented our selves as “the 99%”, everyone could, and should, be involved with our march.  Much like previous protest movements in the US, the Occupy Wall Street participants were fighting for a better future for everyone – a future being stolen by the ich and corporations.

Inviting is just what the NYPD had done as the march approached the Brooklyn Bridge.  After a brief stop at the lip of the bridge, cops cleared the way for both the pedestrian entrance and the roadway on to the Bridge.  Protesters surged forward, rushing on to the expanse and claiming it for the people – “Whose Bridge?  Our Bridge!”  A police escort on the right hand side struggled to keep up the pace before disappearing about one-quarter of the way on to the bridge.  With no police on the right hand side, the protest flowed into the far right lane effectively shutting down car traffic while we made our way to Brooklyn Bridge Park.

After a brief stop for an exuberant dance party – this is a fun movement with a healthy sense of the ridiculous – the police re-appeared, this time with the dreaded NYPD nets.  Chaos ensued and the crowd shifted dangerously back and forth, pushing now slightly panicking young people dangerously close the edge of the bridge.  I joined with other more seasoned activists in moving the protesters away from the edge and in asking them to sit down to reduce the possibilities of a tragic accident and to increase the ability to hold the space.

Police began to remove protesters one-by-one based on their gender.  Protesters didn’t resist, but they also made clear that they were not afraid.  Before being arrested most flashed the victory sign to the crowd or raised a fist into the air.  This helped to stiffen the will of a crowd that had previously been in flux as a result of the aggressive police tactics.  We were determined to resist with courage and dignity no matter how the police attempted to terrorize us.

Under Arrest

Once handcuffed and placed inside the van, a new community was created.  People previously detached from one another were swiftly brought into a relationship where they needed mutual support.  Luckily for me, we realized the order the police were arresting people, so I was arrested with three other of my fellow members from the Socialist Party USA.  We were able to know how to support each other instantly and to offer the solidarity we showed toward each other to other people on the bus.  We explained how to ease the pain of the police handcuffs to a slightly frantic teacher and discussed what the next steps of the process would be with someone from Greece who was not as aware of the American legal system.  Plus we sang “This Land is Our Land” and “The Internationale” on the police bus.

The arresting officer was a low on the seniority pole Chinese-American officer who preferred to stay on the back of the bus with us than to fraternize with other cops outside.  His incessant chatting on an IPhone betrayed his real ideas – “Holy shit!  These people are from everywhere.  Even one guy from Greece.”  “This is total stupid.”  “What a waste of time, I’m never getting out of here.”  Direct thoughts from a newbie police officer forced to the dirty work of the Mayor and the Police Chief.

After a little over an hour, we were placed in a larger pen.  An ambitious young occupier took on the task of counting those in the pen – about 116.  We celebrated the fact that we outnumbered the arrest total of last week (80) and cheered and chanted for each person who joined us.  Chants of “All day, All week – Occupy Wall Street!” rang throughout One Police Plaza.  This fighting spirit helped to keep hopes up as we went through the tedious process of booking.

The arresting officer was right.  Our fellow inmates really were from everywhere.  A few short sketches of them will illustrate this.  A monk sitting in the first section of the cell, refused to identify himself to the police – he refused water, food and would not answer any questions they had.  He met police with a blank stare and prepared for two more days in jail.  An electrician from Boston was confident that once “the unions got involved” the Occupation movement would grow rapidly.  A fellow from Ecuador wasn’t even a part of the original protest.  He was headed to Brooklyn when he saw the march and remembered the anti-capitalist marches he had been on in the past.  He seemed proud to join us and sure that capitalism was in the process of devouring itself especially in “the advanced capitalist countries.”  Finally, another teacher who had spent a large chunk of his life in San Diego and had voted for my fellow Socialist Party member when he ran for office there, prepared to spend the entire night in jail as a result of his lack of official identification.

We supported each other in many ways and made sure to share any of the necessary things that were given to us by the police.  I helped to pour the water, delivered in a huge jug.  Others handed out food and milk – each ensuring that others had received enough.  This was a spontaneous ethic of solidarity that defeats that notion that humans are automatically selfish or evil.

Getting Out

After many hours of waiting, slunk down in the holding pen – some able to sleep, others jabbering away about this or that while eating stale peanut butter sandwiches – we were released.  The first exited the cells a little after 2:00 am, some 9 hours after arrest on the bridge.  The young skeptical officer who arrested us screwed up our comrade’s paperwork resulting in him waiting for more than one hour more.  A female Socialist Party member was at a precinct a few blocks away and whisked over to join us.  Finally, at around 4:30 am we had all been freed.

We sat down at a 24-hour Chinese restaurant to compare experiences and charges and enjoy some much deserved beer.  Most of us received minor disorderly conduct charges, but one was faced with a felony charge of criminal riot.  We discussed options we might have for legal representation and swapped stories about our jailers.

Overall, we were, for a moment at least, happy.  Happy to have made a contribution to a movement that so many people are paying attention to.  Hopeful that this movement will grow to share our own anti-capitalist politics and build the power to transform society.  And excited that Occupy Wall Street is employing the same direct action tactics that we have been promoting as democratic socialists for years.  As we shared vegetable low mein and Chinese tea, we reaffirmed our commitment to change the world.  Occupy Wall Street!

I was positioned in Teach-in Zone 2, right on the edge of Pine and Water Street.  My topic was education, but my approach was not typical of other education teachers.  Most would discuss the high-profile cuts – big number layoffs for teachers and the next in the seemingly never ending gutting of the public higher education system.  My focus was to look at smaller budget cuts.  Though small, these cuts threaten to devastate critical support programs, further dislocating poor and working class New Yorkers.

My lead in was John Stumpf.  He’s a dapper man who prefers dark suits that contrast with his gently graying hair.  And Stumpf has a problem, a really serious one.  One that I presented to the students at my open-air teach-in.  How can you spend $8,500 an hour?  That’s how much he received in compensation from Wells Fargo bank last year.  The crowd shouted out all the typical working class fantasies – go on a long vacation, buy twenty pairs of jeans, pay off my student loans…  Yet, none of these captured Stumpf’s dilemma.  He simply cannot spend $8,500 an hour.

Let’s not get ahead of ourselves.  There is a plan for Stumpf and his fellow CEO’s.  First, the cuts.

The education budget is clearly a target for Bloomberg.  And with education we know which way the human feces rolls.  The Federal Government has ended important funding streams to New York City’s education system.  Simultaneously, budget-cutting New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo has also withdrawn funding from the system.  And Mayor Michael Bloomberg has gone right along with them by proposing to cut $461 million from the system.

A good chunk of that comes from the previously mentioned teacher layoffs.  These firings will send class sizes soaring – from today’s average of 21 students per class to 24 students after the cuts.  Yet, the problem with education is about more than layoffs or class sizes.  Bloomberg’s coveted charter schools are literally bleeding the public education system dry.  In 2007, the charters and other private institutions received $1.1 billion in funding from the Department of Education.  That number will climb to $2.6 billion by 2012.  The NYC Independent Budget Office reports that, “growth in payments to nonpublic and charter schools over the two years [2010-2012] will outstrip the total growth of the DOE’s budget.”

All of these funds could be directed back into the public education system with the aim toward reducing class size and creating an education system based on learning instead of testing.  But my question for the day was what happens to students, particularly youth, who become dislocated from this education system.

Bloomberg has a plan for them.  It involves more cuts.  There are currently 126 community-based programs that offer GED, English for Speakers of Other Languages and other Adult Literacy Courses.  These programs rely on funding from the Department of Youth and Community Development (DYCD).  Last year, the funds in this line amounted to around $5 million.  Bloomberg is proposing to cut this budget in half to $2.5 million.  I work at one of these programs.  Budgets are already really tight.  Many programs will not survive these cuts leaving thousands of students outside of both the traditional and non-traditional education system.  Just think, it would only take about 13 days of Stumpf style compensation to fund these programs.

Students in these non-traditional education programs need more than just an education.  They also need jobs.  However, given the current rate of youth unemployment and long-term patterns of discrimination a job may be hard to come by in the private sector.  A recent study by the Community Service Society reported that a shocking 3 out of 4 African-American males age 16 to 24 are unemployed.  Programs funded through the DYCD are therefore a crucial outlet for employment.  These too are slated for cuts, to the tune of $3.2 million.  Such cuts may jeopardize the City’s ability to receive Federal funding.  If the cuts go through and the same numbers of youth apply for jobs, they will have only a 1 in 12 chance of receiving one.

This all leads to our Stumpf problem.  While Bloomberg has become stingy with people looking for an education and with youth looking for a job, the fiscal floodgates have been opened to banks like Wells Fargo.  Over the past fifteen years, Wells Fargo has received more than $122 million in tax exemptions and subsidies from the City of New York.  If New York had actually collected these funds we could have funded ten years of adult education services or created thousands of more slots for youth employment.

Things get even worse at the Federal level.  While most of us contribute upwards of 30% of our income to taxes, big banks like Wells Fargo don’t.  They may have the legal status of a person, but they don’t pay taxes like one.  Last year they paid the equivalent of a 10.4% tax rate, well below the 35% standard Federal tax rate.  As if this wasn’t enough they also dipped into Bank Bailout funds – grabbing some $43.7 billion in public funds.  All this resulted in $3.8 billion in profits last year, or $42 million in profits per day.

Stumpf loved all this.  His personal compensation soared to $17.6 million, a figure that accounted for the $8,500 an hour problem he faces.  He now makes 796 times what an average bank teller at Wells Fargo brings home every year.  And his $17 million dwarves the budgets of most GED programs and could be used to improve the lives of thousands of youth in the City.

May 12th was a day to declare that the time when Wall Street and the Banks dominate our City without resistance has come to an end.  We ended my teach-in with the chant – Wells Fargo! Pay your taxes!  This was less a polite request and more of a demand that if their taxes were not paid, the next protest would escalate beyond just a teach-in.  You see there are many ways to resolve a Stumpf problem – some include teaching, others more direct forms of action.

Though civilians throughout the world were left to deal with the consequences, the figure of Osama was always a useful one for the American Empire. This was just as true when he received direct financial and military aid from the US in the 1980s as when he was presented as an arch nemesis used to justify the escalating military adventures of the 21st century. No surprise then, if his death yields more benefits for the military industrial complex and even greater hazards to peace loving people everywhere.

While Communism was still being presented as the great global enemy, as the rationale for maintaining a bloated military industrial complex in the 80s, Osama Bin-Laden proved a useful ally. His brand of Islamic fundamentalism received support and funding from the US government, despite the deeply reactionary politics it carried with it. In Afghanistan Bin-Laden was able to establish an international movement trained in the tactics of guerrilla warfare and imbued with a backwards looking philosophy of Islamic jihad. All while being funded by the American taxpayer.

After the defeat of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, Osama was able to claim the credentials of an Empire-killer. In the new post-Soviet world, the US was the sole imperial force, wielding unchallenged military power in the service of US-based corporations who aimed to be the masters of the globe. Many in the underdeveloped world experienced this globalization and looked to radical Islam as an alternative. Enough support was organized to launch a series of terrorist attacks such as those on September 11th, the US Embassy bombing in Nairobi and the attack on the United Nations complex in Iraq. Each of these acts proved that the ethics of Bin Laden mirrored the ethics of the Empire – no civilian life was precious enough to prevent an attack made in the name of your cause.

The September 11th attacks made Osama even more useful to an assortment of political hawks, weapons manufacturers and military service companies like Halliburton and Blackwater. In the tragic carnage of that day, they saw an opportunity to create a post-Cold War rationale to claim billions in public funds. The subsequent invasions and occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq, the endless drone bombings in Pakistan that were designed by the administration of former President George W. Bush and are now operated by current President Barack Obama, were done in the name of “finding Osama.” A traumatized American public went along, as Bin-Laden enticed the US military to indiscriminately kill civilians, set up torture camps and occupy countries with large Muslim populations. All along fattening corporate bottom lines and justifying the US war machine.

As always, it was civilians who suffered the consequences. The families of the 911 victims, the people of Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan and all of the millions who became entangled in the post-911 security state were trapped between two shades of reactionary politics. By conservative estimates more than 130,000 civilians were killed from 2003 until 2008 in Iraq as a result of the US invasion. Thousands more have perished in Afghanistan as well as nearly 6,000 US military personnel. The hunt for Osama became a brutal blood letting which taught millions of people throughout the world that they could expect no justice from the US.

In addition to the destruction of human lives, the Osama inspired US military adventures allowed for a looting of public funds. At last count, almost $1.2 trillion has been spent on invading Iraq and Afghanistan. These public funds could have been used to provide 55 million children with healthcare. Or to give out 13 million one-year university scholarships. Or to add 1.6 million elementary teachers per year to our schools. Unfortunately in this moment of economic crisis and budget cutting, the military budget and the war profiteering it produces remain significant drains on public funds. Nearly half of the entire Federal Budget is now spent on the military industrial complex. This only serves to deepen the economic inequalities in American society and poison relations between Americans and people throughout the world.

What the death of Osama Bin-Laden should prove is that the Empire cannot deliver justice. Socialists will certainly shed no tears for Osama. Nor, however, will we celebrate his assassination at the hands of the US military. Instead, we understand clearly that the US military is a destroyer of human lives, a drain on public budgets and is a chain hung around the neck of democracy. No justice will come from it.

If there is anything positive to take from this moment, let it be that the American people now begin to build a movement to dismantle the post-911 war machine, to cry out for the restoration of our civil liberties and to press for an immediate withdrawal of all troops from Afghanistan and Iraq and an end to the drone bombings in Pakistan.

Simultaneously, voters should consider withdrawing their support from President Obama when re-election time comes. Obama has time and time again proven willing to use the war machine in a way that is every bit as ruthless as his predecessor. A Socialist Party USA candidate for the White House will place the dismantlement of the military industrial complex on the top of their campaign agenda. We will present a real candidate of peace.

Let us now build a world based on solidarity, peace and freedom – a world that was so violently opposed by people like Bin-Laden and one that is so deeply feared by those at the controls of the military industrial complex here in the US.

Rockwood offered a unique perspective on Manning’s case. In 1994, Rockwood was a US Army counter-intelligence officer sent to Haiti in an operation that was supposed to restore democracy to the country. As in other political transitions, those in power sought to use the transition to settle political scores. Right-wing groups used the ensuing chaos to carry out the torture and murder of supporters of ex-President Bertrand Aristide.

Rockwood understood that as an occupying army, the US military had a duty under the Geneva Conventions to protect civilians. This perspective, instilled into the fourth generation military officer, led him to conduct what the Army called “unauthorized” human rights inspections of Haitian jails. These inspections uncovered horrific acts of torture and abuse, all done while the US military occupied the country.

Rockwood was immediately taken into custody and, much like Manning, he became a military whistleblower by describing the inhumane and illegal acts carried out by the Haitian right-wing under the watch of the US military.

Rockwood was able to present himself in public – in the pages of the New York Times and the Washington Post, in a high-profile appearance on 20/20 and eventually in his book Walking Away from Nuremberg. On the other hand, the US Government has isolated Manning from the media so, “we don’t have his words.” As a result, any speculation as to what Manning’s motive was or even whether he did or did not carry out the act of passing along the secret files remain a mystery. Rockwood presented Manning as something of an “accused hero.”

Keeping Manning from the media and visitors is a part of the “suicide precautions” that the military has imposed on him. Again, Rockwood’s case offers an interesting counterpoint. Not only did Rockwood not spend one day in jail, he was not even handcuffed when he was taken into custody. Manning now faces full-body cavity searches, 24-hour surveillance and the humiliating experience of being paraded around naked by his jailers.

Manning’s treatment “is really without precedent.” Rockwood not only blamed the military, but also focused on the role of the psychologists and psychiatrists who must have signed off on the suicide precautions. He noted the sharp debate that occurred inside the American Psychological Association about the collaboration between practitioners and the military in instances of torture. Rockwood described the detention of Manning as another example of this unethical combination.
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For Rockwood, it is critical to support Manning since, if it is indeed true that he passed along the secret files to Wikileaks, Manning “threatens the basic infrastructure of our secrecy industry.” And it is this secrecy industry, much more than even the military industrial complex, that presents the greatest threat to democracy throughout the world. “No matter what good our country can do in the world,” Rockwood stated “it is being undermined by the secrecy industry.” As a result, the US peace movement should not just focus on “bringing the troops home,” but on “ending war as a way of life.”

Rockwood closed his presentation with a series of provocative comparisons. Why, he asked the crowd, was Bradley Manning in jail while Colin Powell is presented as an American hero? Similarly, who has contributed more to the defense of democracy, Bradley Manning or the torture memo author John Yoo? Answering these questions will go a long way to determining the future of democracy in this country.

The urgency of Manning’s case was brought home during the conversation after the presentation. Proceedings are expected to begin sometime in May or June of this year and he could face his court-martial in November. Rockwood stated repeatedly that Manning faced espionage charges that could result in the death penalty. He advised activists in the crowd that efforts to embarrass the government during his own case proved to be the most effective solidarity tactic. For instance. Rockwood was given an award by the American Civil Liberties Union that helped to increase the pressure on the US military.

It was also noted that Manning is, very clearly, “Obama’s prisoner.” The President could free him with one short executive order, yet Barack Obama has chosen to remain silent to the abusive conditions Manning is held in. With a presidential election coming up in 2012, the case of Bradley Manning may prove to be a sore spot for a president seeking a second term.

In North Africa, and elsewhere in the region, the US is preparing for the great adaptation to Arab democracy.  No longer able to rely on a network of authoritarian rulers in the region, the diplomatic machine that is the US State Department is now focused on relating to the new pro-democracy forces.  In truth, the US was never solely tied to the Hosni Mubaraks of the world.  They enjoyed equally cozy relations with the military establishment in each country.  And this establishment, unlike their political counterparts, has certainly not been overthrown.  The military in North Africa and the Middle East is every bit the military and economic actor it was before the pro-democracy protests.

We can see this in Libya where the Faustian bargain the opposition cut with the US, has been extended to relations with the Egyptian military.  Egyptian weapons, certainly with the permission of the US, are flowing across Tunisia into Eastern Libya.  Military-to-military links throughout the region represent an important resource for the US adaptation to this monumental process of change.  Thus far, the military in several countries has managed to place real limits on the extent of the transformation by keeping it contained to questions of political representation and the form of government.

The Libyan process has granted the US even greater access, as Eastern rebels have now endorsed a largely US-led bombing campaign aimed at weakening Libyan forces loyal to General Muammar Gaddafi.  In doing so, the Eastern rebels might be about to learn the hard lesson that the revolution cannot be outsourced.  US intervention comes with a price – and this bill will be paid politically, economically and militarily.  There was no way to cleave the military away from the regime in Tripoli, so intervention from outside was sure to be the primary strategy once the insurrection in the East was underway.

Clearly the US is interested in enhancing its strategic position in the region while also giving some substance to its pro-democracy claims.  Other European nations have also, somewhat more reluctantly, tailed along mimicking the same platitudes as they go.  Yet, it is the oil that has really accelerated US foreign policy, moving it from general claims of democracy and freedom to a costly military intervention.  The mere thought of a militarily victorious Gaddafi regime peddling large amounts of oil to US economic opponents pushed Obama to don yet another war cap.  While the Arab streets may have shifted the political debate in the region, pushing the US in a particular direction rhetorically, it is still their oil that attracts the unwelcome attention of Empire.

The Eastern rebels in Libya may yet win the day.  A perhaps premature and certainly ill-equipped insurrection may be saved from annihilation.  The awesome might of the US military can ensure things like this.  However, if 20th century political transformations serve as any kind of guide, how you win may be just as important as if you win.  The closer this movement in Eastern Libya slinks toward the US, the less independence they will have once the political transition begins.  And, later, when the oil begins to flow again, a heavy bill will come due.  Will the rebels be ready to pay it?  And at what cost to their political dreams of democracy?

Despite the severity of these measures, Democrats and sections of the Trade Union leadership have chosen to pour resources and direct energy into a campaign to recall Walker and other Republicans.  Easy call, since the Democrats seem sure to cash-in on Republican overreach and win any recall election.  Yet, a recall falls short of the extraordinary measure quotient – workers are ready to move now in Wisconsin and a general strike is the best tactic to respond to Walker’s assault on democratic rights.

Stripping workers of collective bargaining rights rolls back the historical clock to a time when there was no legal guarantee of getting a union contract.  At the turn of the 20th century, American Employers denied, repressed and ignored claims pressed forward by workers.  The question was one of force – could working people force their bosses to concede to demands for justice or would the bosses be able to exert more power?

And the critical weapon in this struggle was the strike.  Well before the now famous Sit Down Strikes that led to the organizing of the car plants in Michigan, workers carried out mass strikes.  The greatest tool in their possession was the general strike.  The best example of the power of such a total shut down of labor came in Seattle in 1919.

Here, shipyard workers made a strike to defend the gains in pay and benefits they had made during World War I.  At first, the strike was limited to the shipyard workers.  But then, more than 110 other unions realized that their fate was dependent on the victory of the shipyard workers.  They struck, the city was shut down and for five glorious days the city of Seattle was run by the General Strike Committee.

Though the business friendly national labor leadership bent to the will of the bosses and forced the strike to end, the point was made clear.  Not only could labor strike back against attempts to take back gains, but working people held the capacity to run society themselves.  Those who created the wealth were also able to administer it.

While Wisconsin 2011 is quite a different place from Seattle 1919, Walker and the Republicans seem intent to roll back the clock.  Working people might take a cue from them and reach back for a weapon that can be used defensively and offensively – the general strike.

An argument must be won before this can be accomplished.  Focusing solely on the Recall Walker and the Republicans campaign will take energy away from the effort to organize a militant response from working people.  The old Democratic Party line of “wait for the next election” just won’t do anymore, even if that next election comes sooner rather than later.  The time for waiting is over – the very existence of unions is on the line here.

Wisconsin can draw on a long history of socialist and other radical organizing and become the place where a new left-wing movement for the 21st century is born.  The time to act is now!

The declining possibilities for young Black males is one feature of an overall surge in unemployment among work age Black males.  The CSS reports an increase in unemployment from the already inordinately high 9% in 2006 to 17.9% in 2009.  Youth workers in general have also suffered during the crisis surging to 24.6% unemployment.  In addition, unemployment is not a short-term experience for the Black community.  While all those with jobs who became unemployed were out of work for an average of 6 months, Black workers faced an average of 12 months before employment.

The CSS identified education as a key factor in the unemployment rate for young Black males.  The figure of one in four employed rises to one in ten for Black males who do not hold a high school diploma.  Unemployment figures for the Black males in the 16-24 age group with no high school diploma is hard to determine since 84% of the young men in this group are out of the labor force entirely.  The CSS report was only able to identify 8% in this category who were employed from January 2009 until June 2010.

Such discriminatory trends in employment are feeding the prison pipeline.  A 2010 MIT study of incarceration and inequality confirms the findings of the CSS report.  The incarceration rate for young Black males without high school diplomas has surged since 1980.  In 1980, these young men faced a 10% incarceration rate while in 2008 this number had increased to 35%.  This speaks to the existence of a conscious social policy at work in the US, which favors incarceration over addressing issues of educational opportunity or job creation.

While these figures increased for all racial groups surveyed, they pale in comparison with white youth without a high school diploma who face an 11% incarceration rate.  The report states bluntly that, “by 2008 these men [young Black males] were more likely to be locked up than employed.”

Incarceration, even over a short period, has seriously negative effects on life chances.  Wage earnings over a lifetime are reduced by nearly 2/3 for those serving prison time and in an environment of overall high unemployment often leads to long-term joblessness and recidivism.

Unwinding one part of the cycle of unemployment for young Black males, would entail opening new education opportunities.  Unfortunately, a November 2009 report, also issued by the CSS, indicated that GED instruction in New York State ranks near the bottom nationwide.  The CSS described these programs as, “circuitous, inefficient and extraordinarily dysfunctional.”  Even those who exit such programs face the prospects of a “pipeline to failure.”

The group cited the decentralization of the City’s GED programs as a key weakness.  There is, they argued, no single City agency that allows all of the alternative programs to be regulated or even explored by a potential GED student.  Further, because most programs lack a direct connection with colleges, they offer a degree that will lead to long-term low wage employment with few possibilities for advancement.

Fixing the GED system is a key part of what the CSS report on young Black male unemployment recommends to address this crisis.  They believe that a GED program with links to a college education could be successfully combined with a jobs training program to begin to immediately address the crisis in employment.

This should be more than a crisis.  It should be a political and social emergency.  All levels of government should be proposing immediate emergency measures to address the findings in the CSS report.  Frankly, if similar numbers related to young white males, such an emergency would be called directly.  What the CSS has documented is the cutting edge of institutional racism in 21st century New York.  Yet, there will be no response from Mayor Michael Bloomberg.  No splashy press conferences.  No innovative initiatives.  Just disregard, neglect and the hope that the communities affected by this racism will remain silent.

Clearly, any serious solutions to the class-based racism we see in the report will have to come from outside mainstream politics.  Bloomberg and friends are far too busy with their privatizations and budget cutting.  These outcomes are produced by the logic of capitalist economics.  They should be met by a strong new popular movement that takes up the slogan of “no more one in four.”  The situation is simply intolerable.

Money, Money, Money

Overall spending increased rapidly in 2010.  The Center for Responsive Politics (CRP) reports that more than $4 billion, or the annual GDP of Mongolia, was spent on this election.  The Supreme Court decision on corporate personhood seems to have had the biggest impact on outside spending.  Outside spending relates to activities such as the purchases of election ads, making phone calls for candidates and other electoral activities on behalf of candidates.  Spikes in outside spending normally occur during presidential years and then wane in by-elections.  Until this year.

CRP tallies of outside spending show it surging in 2010 to nearly $300 million, a level equal to the heavily financed presidential election of 2008.  In a reversal of 2008, Conservative concerns outspent Liberal ones by nearly two to one.  Much of the Conservative money, some $32 million, was funneled through Chambers of Commerce in support of Republican candidates.  Who did this spending is still unknown, as contributors evaded or delayed disclosure of their contributions.

One race that attracted serious money was the hotly contested Colorado Senate race in which Democrat Michael Bennet squeaked by Republican Ken Buck by less than 1% of the vote.  Bennet spent more than $10 million on the race and received more than $1 million from a Democratic Party PAC.  The outside spending was equally remarkable.  Nearly $6 million was spent on advertisements opposing Bennet and another $2.4 million to support Buck.  The total spending in this race amounted to around $34 million, a figure equal to the monthly GDP of Caribbean island-nation of Dominica.

Unions: The Definition of Insanity

Albert Einstein’s definition of insanity is useful when evaluating the role of unions in elections.  Einstein understood insanity as “doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.”  If you think of the trade unions as people, they are in serious need of mental counseling.  They keep on doing the same thing, supporting the Democrats, with the same results, working people get screwed.  This time, the strategy of the union leadership was to do this same thing again, but on a much grander scale.

Union leaders took advantage of the new rules by avoiding the annoying formality of setting up a separate fund for campaign donations.  This year they spent directly from member’s dues.  And, boy did they spend.  The Service Employees International Union and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees alone spent about $37 million in outside spending on electoral races.  Union money flowed throughout the country with little affect on policy proposals – the Democrats are still firmly committed to budget cutting or in Washington-speak “restructuring entitlements.”

The folly of union electoral politics was most clearly on display in the race for Governor in New York State.  Here, Democratic candidate, Andrew Cuomo, left the heavily union-financed Working Families Party (WFP) twisting in the wind for weeks. The WFP offered their endorsement, but Cuomo refused, thereby putting the group’s ballot line in jeopardy.  Cuomo eventually relented, but forced WFP officials to sign off on his proposals to cut the state budget – including cutbacks on unionized public workers!  With the WFP politically neutered, Cuomo went on an embarrassing media offensive against public employees unions targeting them for concessions.  Though the WFP kept its ballot access, it sold its soul and with it the last progressive cover for the trade union’s suicidal Democratic Party insider strategy.

Unintended Consequences

Things did not work out exactly as planned on Tuesday.  Though big-moneyed interests did manage to shape some outcomes, the trend toward self-financed mega-rich candidates took a hit.  This is not entirely negative as long as the inane notion that fueled it – that these candidates were too rich to give in to special interests – dies along with it.

The CRP reports that only 1/5 of the 58 Federal level candidates who contributed at least $500,000 to their own campaigns achieved victory.  The rest faced spectacularly expensive defeats.  The poster-child for this reversal was Republican Senate Candidate in Connecticut Linda McMahon.  McMahon coughed up more than $46 million in profits from her wrestling empire yet still came up empty.

While self-financed narcissists were going down in flames, there were also some small signs of grassroots resistance.  In New York, thousands of disaffected progressives and independents found their way to Green Party candidate Howie Hawkins.  Hawkins’ vote total of more than 57,000 surpassed previous Green efforts and secured permanent ballot access for the party.  Simultaneously, in Ohio, Socialist Party USA candidate for Senate Dan LaBotz captured the attention of more than 27,000 voters.  Though LaBotz and the Socialists were practically starting from scratch in the state, they managed to present socialist politics in a manner that drew some amount of attention.  Both Hawkins and LaBotz bucked the money trends as they ran their campaigns on the cheap and got the most out of small individual contributions.

Where is Everybody?

Despite all the money spent.  Despite all the attack commercials.  Despite the unrelenting reports on 24/7 political news channels, the American people still did not turn out to vote.  The United States Election Project reports that the average turn out was around 41%.  Heavily contested races peaked out just above 50% while other states hovered around the high 30’s.  Anecdotal evidence also suggests that turnout among African-American voters was far lower than the 2008 Presidential election.  Overall, for the entire country, people just stayed home.

The explanation for all this is exceedingly simple.  Save the moralistic homilies about the duty of people to vote.  The American people get at least one part of the problem.  There are no significant choices offered at the ballot box.  There is a basic agreement between the Democrats and Republicans over issues ranging from budget cuts, to free trade, to military strategy and expenditures.  No amount of well-financed public relations can effectively dress up this agreement as difference.  The American voters know this, so they stay home.

The next step, of course, is to build that alternative.  This process is likely to take place primarily outside of the electoral arena.  With the Obama Deficit Commission preparing to issue a report in December that is widely expected to propose dramatic cutbacks in public programs such as Social Security and Medicare, there will be plenty of issues to organize around.  Protest politics will come back to the US.  Whether this reappearance will be represented in the electoral arena remains to be seen.  Certainly, thanks to the Supreme Court decision on corporations, there will be powerful interests lining up to prevent such manifestations.

For the last three weeks, a motley crew of volunteers and campaign workers have spread out across New York State, petitions in hand, intent on placing the name Howie Hawkins — Green Party — on the ballot. Restrictive ballot access laws make this a challenge. Not only does the campaign need 15,000 signatures, 25,000 to be safe, from registered voters, these have to come from one-half of the congressional districts in the state. No easy task for an underdog third party.

But the campaign has met the mark. Every Tuesday night, the Peace Pentagon in the East Village becomes the drop off point for petitioners from throughout New York City. Veteran activists, socialists, and greens make their way up the creaky stairs, petitions in hand, ready to make their contribution.

Informal lessons on New York State geography break out as the petitioners attempt to track down the home cities of their petition signers. What county is Newburgh in? Is Bergen a village or a town? Debates ensue. Tips about good locations to collect signatures are offered. One person went to the Daily Show line. Another appears every morning at the Shakespeare in the Park line. Another prefers the compost pile in Union Square.

Why do the volunteers come? Certainly not for the ambiance of the compost pile. Most mention the economic crisis or their disillusionment with the Democratic Party. Cuomo, they say, is the candidate of Wall Street. Bought and sold, prepared to implement the severe budget cuts that have, thus far, been limited by the chaotic ending of the David Paterson regime.

The Hawkins campaign, they say, offers an alternative. Where Cuomo discusses how the cuts will be implemented – usually with a “we all have to pitch in” motto – Hawkins discusses the creation of a State Bank. Such a bank, he has stated emphatically, would help to break the stranglehold of Wall Street and lay the foundation for programs such as worker’s cooperatives and environmental cleanups.

And Hawkins has also discovered a little secret the Democrats have been sitting on for years. The stock transfer tax. It seems that New York State has been collecting a fee for every stock traded on Wall Street. But, after collecting it, they rebate it back to Wall Street! Hawkins announced that the number amounts to $16 billion, larger than the state’s budget deficit and large enough to fund all of the public projects mentioned by petitioners at the weekly meetings. Howie wants this money back.

These ideas motivate the petitioners. They turn a regular small party campaign into something else – a movement to reclaim New York State for the people. As the Hawkins campaign heads toward the fall elections, 15,000 signatures in hand, Andrew Cuomo would do well to invest in some handkerchiefs. If the spirit of the petitioners translates into the campaign, Howie will have a platform to speak from. And this will put the heat on yet another Wall Street Democrat.

A Multi-Ethnic Working Class Alternative

Tucked inside of Detroit is a city within a city called Hamtramck. Settled in 1798, Hamtramck was incorporated as a village in 1901 and as a city separate from Detroit in 1922. In the early 20th century, Hamtramck was organized around the Dodge factories that attracted immigrant workers especially of Polish origin. Today, this city of 23,000 residents has significantly diversified as Arab and South Asian immigrants moved in creating something of a micro-international city in formation.

A vibrant multi-ethnic working class culture has grown in Hamtramck. At night, the streets bustle as workers return home to partake in food, drink and socializing. Though a significant portion of the city’s economy is still reliant on the declining auto industry, immigrants have brought a new ethic of self-reliance, collective organization and sweat equity. Open housing is snapped up quickly and small businesses stave off the mass exodus from commercial space so evident in Downtown Detroit.

The small Bangladeshi restaurant named Aladdin reveals all of the contradictions of working class Hamtramck. The restaurant is divided between a front section with a marble floor and pristine garden and the back, where a non-descript fast-food style cafeteria serves weary workers. A meal in the backroom means stripping off the formalities and lowering the prices paid by diners in the front room. The gritty affinity of backroom diners sharing a tea or a re-heated samosa is pure Hamtramck.

Slowly, these new immigrant groups have also found expression inside of the city’s cultural celebrations. Annual celebrations of Polish Day and Labor Day are now accompanied by celebrations of Bangladesh and Pakistan. A painted sign above a local store reading “Bangladesh town” displays the still small ethnic group’s hopes of making Hamtramck a new home. While car bumper stickers reading “Save Hamtramck” reveal a barely hidden resentment amongst some in the white and African-American community, the city has avoided serious ethnic disputes in favor of mutual co-existence and cooperation.

Threats to Stability

Yet Hamtramck does not exist in an urban vacuum. The process of urban blight that has engulfed Detroit sits on the edges of this sturdy working class neighborhood. An area that residents refer to as “the jungle,” to describe the high grasses in empty lots and the generally unruliness, threatens to extend into Hamtramck bringing with it a cycle of out-migration, housing decay and cuts in public services. And, with nearly 38% of residents in the city employed in the service sector, a kind of permanent precariousness pervades every day life.

Residents are conscious that the defense of housing stock is a primary strategy to resist the kind of blight that has gripped much of Detroit. Home improvements are done piecemeal as slim budgets afford or in communal work groups during breaks from wage work. Some neighborhoods have instituted nightly block patrols to supplement the overwhelmed police in protecting homes from burglars. Others struggle against the handful of slumlords who own much of the usable housing.

Conversations with long-time residents led to the conclusion that some form of urban homesteading – where those without housing or those living in deteriorating conditions occupy and improve abandoned or dilapidated housing – was necessary to prevent a Detroit-like spiral. Fears spread as the occasional empty building appears. Residents who suffer under sub-par living conditions understand that their lives could be vastly improved through some form of collective self-ownership, yet are reluctant to act for fear of being put out by the slumlords.

Further alarm about Hamtramck’s future was raised in 2009 as American Axle announced that it was closing an automotive parts plant in the city. Parts production had been located in Hamtramck since the 1920s. The plant provided hundreds of jobs, many to local residents, as well as vital tax dollars to the city’s treasury. In 2008, a serious labor dispute broke out between management and the United Auto Workers that resulted in a 3-month strike and a cutting of wages by 1/3. Layoffs ensued and now, in 2010, only a handful of workers are employed on plant maintenance. The company has shipped out parts production to non-union shops in Mexico.

Acute fiscal troubles have also emerged from an ongoing conflict between Detroit and Hamtramck over tax receipts from a General Motors plant that straddles the two cities. Taxes are collected by Detroit and, since an agreement in 1981, $1.7 million is disbursed to Hamtramck annually. However, only $1 million of the agreed upon amount arrived in fiscal year 2009 as Detroit officials claim the old agreement to be expired. The subsequent revenue shortage has brought Hamtramck to the brink of financial crisis and the conflict seems destined for the courts.

The dispute over General Motors highlights the uneasy financial prospect of the city relying solely on one auto plant and the micro-economies set up by immigrant groups employed primarily in the service sector. Serious budget cuts may be in the offing and residents fear a local economic collapse.

Defending Hamtramck – Building a New Model

If a new Detroit may have already happened in Hamtramck, it will need defending. The lessons on re-development and re-invigoration are evident. Attracting immigrant groups seems like a critical factor. However moving toward policies that empower Hamtramck residents to defend their neighborhood against blight, seem equally important. A program for housing renewal and defense through urban homesteading that leads to home ownership would be a good first step. In addition, more radical measures such as getting the American Axle plant up and running again, retrofitted and operating through a system of worker management and ownership, could offer an alternative development model that could spread into the heart of the defeated city that is Detroit.

Vallejo spoke as part of the panel I helped to organize for the Socialist Party USA at the Social Forum.  SFA is an ally organization to the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW), an organization that represents farm workers throughout the state of Florida.  Vallejo spoke about CIW’s remarkable string of victories at a moment when nearly all of organized labor seems to be in deep retreat.  Multinational food giants such as Taco Bell, McDonalds, and WholeFoods have all yielded to the demands of this organization.

Vallejo presented these successful campaigns as a part of a larger process of trial and error.  At first, workers in the region did what workers everywhere do – prepared to fight their bosses.  This meant organizing against the growers.  However, CIW soon realized that multinational food corporations held growers hostage by their demands for cheap produce.  In response, the focus shifted to these companies and, in the process, the CIW needed to call on external ally organizations to assist the organizing.  High-profile campaigns ensued as picket lines were thrown up in front of Taco Bell and other food chain stores throughout the country.

How could the CIW maintain this broad network of allies and still keep the focus on the workplace struggles?  The driving force behind these campaigns, Vallejo related, are the workers, themselves.  The initial organizing was quite challenging since workers came from radically different historical traditions in Haiti, Central America and Mexico.  Eventually, after struggling together, the workers devised a three-prong system for organizing – popular education, the identification and development of leaders, and mass mobilizations.

Vallejo described the manner in which popular education played a critical role in mobilizing both the workers and the surrounding community.  By employing graphic art and a low power radio station, CIW is able to reach beyond the worksite and enter into the everyday lives of people in the region.  Organizers employ the notion of “accompaniment” to express their desire to march with the community not over its head or not in an attempt to force changes that they see as desirable, but the community does not.

However, the internal workings of the CIW express the clearest ethic of horizontalism.  Vallejo spoke about the yearly assemblies of CIW members in which major decisions about campaigns and the election of representatives take place.  Further, elected leaders are held to a similar position as that of workers, themselves, as no salary exceeds three times the average worker and staff must spend ¼ of the season working in the fields.  Such measures are meant to prevent the formation of elitism amongst officials and are a far cry from the way a typical trade union operates.  CIW members work side-by-side with their representatives thereby placing real limits on vertical hierarchies within the worker’s movement.  This type of organization also allows the campaigns to flow from the bottom up as ally organizations express solidarity with real organizing conducted by the farm workers themselves.

The next test for the CIW and its allies will come as they continue a campaign that targets the Trader Joe’s chain.  Once again a corporation that markets a sense of sustainability to its consumers has proved to be resistant when farm workers come knocking.  And so, again, the CIW will roll out its networks of allies in order to employ mass mobilization as a tactic to lessen exploitation and defend the base level organizing underway in Florida.

The CIW was not the only organization advertising its horizontal structures.  Many other workshops offered the argument that transforming a society based on hierarchy would require a grassroots democratic response.  Such a response aims at simultaneously challenging the non-profit and NGO sector and the political party formations that rest on vanguardist or hierarchical assumptions.  So, as the latest version of the US Social Forum draws to a close, a message from below is beginning to materialize – the self-organization, self-reliance and self-determination that horizontalism allows will be a fundamental part of any attempt at social transformation in the US.  Exploitative vertical institutions such as multinational corporations beware.

The Briefing

Forum organizers spoke to the media as a part of their two-a-day press briefings. In the afternoon session, USSF Communication Coordinator, Adele Nieves, stated that the Forum was less of a conference and more of a “free space” in which activists can “share stories and strategy.” Organizers were able to grab some national media attention prior to the event, but local news sources tended to be less interested. That is, Nieves stated, until Tuesday’s mass march through Downtown Detroit in which the Social Forum’s strategy “became more crystal clear” to local residents. About 17% of registered participants came from Detroit.

Organizers were also sure to explicitly state the mission and funding sources of the Forum. Organizer, Karlos Gauna Schmieder, saw the event as part of a larger process that unfolded out of the original World Social Forum meetings. The message from the Global South was that North American activists needed to, “hold your own government accountable.” “We took that seriously,” he stated, “Media is a part of this process.” Thus, despite the massive scale of the operation, the organizers insisted that no corporate money had been used and that the Social Forum itself had no desire to convert itself into an NGO or non-profit organization.

Media Space Models Democracy

The daily briefings are held in a massive media room on the second floor of Cobo Hall. Here, each day, the openness and grassroots democratic aspirations of the Social Forum are put into practice. There are no media passes at the Forum. Any media person is given complete access to all parts of the proceedings as well as technical support from the Forum’s volunteers.

Media and activist groups have the ability to hold press conferences in the media space, use computer facilities and even just take a short rest from the boisterous proceedings of the forum. Today, the center of attention was an hour long conference held by Al-Jazeera English that drew around two dozen reporters and interested observers. Shortly afterwards, Hollywood star, Danny Glover, turned up and conducted an hour-long impromptu press conference opened to all who could manage to scrape up a camera or audio recorder. And throughout the day an army of reporters, bloggers and the curious filtered into the room each treated in a welcoming and supportive way.

Such a democratic environment is made possible by bleary eyed techies that buzz around the room all day. Matt is one of the two dozen or so engaged in this project. He described living on two or three hours of sleep a night as the group attempted to create a computer infrastructure capable of meeting the needs of hundreds of media activists and the processing of thousands of registrations. The meltdown of a server late Tuesday night was just the latest bump in the road for this DIY crew who fashion themselves as the plumbers of the Social Forum – “nobody notices us unless something is broken.”

The Tables

One floor below the Media Center is an entirely different world located deep in the cavernous recesses of Cobo Hall – the land of tables. Row after row of grey plastic folding tables are adorned with the literature and merchandise of the Forum’s activist groups. Here, one can find everything from a t-shirt adorned with the mosaic image of the newest revolutionary leader to literature informing you that you are already a global citizen. There are plenty pitches and gimmicks at the tables and even, from one organized by a group calling itself the Voice, a strange odor.

What is most charming about the table section of the Forum are the reunions. If you stand around the hall long enough, you are bound to see a heartfelt coming together between two people. Old comrades linking up after years of separation. Young people recognizing each other from previous national mobilizations. And even the oft heard refrain “aren’t we friends on Facebook.” This is, perhaps, the greatest accomplishment of the Social Forum – the human connections it engenders. If nothing more happens this week, we can rest assured that for a few days thousands of people committed to making social change were able to gather in a spirit of free association and spontaneous affinity. Our society could do with more of both.

A smaller feeder march started at the headquarters of Detroit Energy (DTE), the provider of gas and electric to the city of Detroit. DTE has a policy of shutting off gas and electric for those unable to pay their bills, even in the dead of winter. This has resulted in many deaths and particularly puts children, the elderly and the disabled at risk.

The demonstration was organized by welfare rights groups from around the country. The 750 demonstrators were made up of a mix of locals and activists attending the USSF. The crowed chanted “Gas and Lights are Human Rights” as they picketed the building, a large glass and steel structure with a manicured lawn and fountain that stands out among the empty buildings and open space that litters downtown Detroit. The speakers spoke passionately of the dangers of utilities shut-off and made connections with the larger problems facing residents of the city: poverty, unemployment and urban decay.

After a painfully long wait penned in on the sidewalk by Detroit police, the feeder march linked up with a massive march organized to open the USSF. A line of children chanting slogans against poverty led the group into the march and spirits soared as participants looked back and viewed a sea of humanity. A spirited march up to the site of the forum, Cobo Hall, led the crowd into opening ceremonies.

Detroit seems an ideal place to cultivate the energy expressed during the opening demonstration. We marched through Downtown past the smashed windows of businesses long departed and over roads littered with potholes. One stop along the route was the Leland Hotel, a 50s style palace now reduced to a decaying hulk of concrete whose outer appearance is as depressing at the hard-luck patrons who inhabit it. At night, the Downtown that demonstrators had transformed into a festival of resistance turns into something akin to a scene from a zombie movie as hundreds of junkies move onto the streets oblivious to the oncoming traffic.

Clearly, capitalism has done its dirty deed in Detroit. After decades of corporate paternalism and union-management collaboration, the capital is gone, leaving behind excess people, predominantly African-American, with no prospect for work or a future. The actions of privatized utilities such as DTE are merely the latest indignity imposed by the market system. The Forum’s message that “Another US is Necessary, Another Detroit is Happening!” could find fertile ground here.

Tomorrow begins three days stacked with panels dealing with nearly every political topic imaginable. In truth, the panelists at the USSF represent a strange mishmash of strategies and organizations. Orthodox Maoists share program space with the Ford Foundation and an unusual group of communalists from Southeast Asia are located next to the Progressive Democrats of America. Just another illustration that there is no singular strategy out of the mess that capitalism has left humanity in. Perhaps a week of dialogue can at least develop some common ground for action.

 The Trigger in Greece

The current Greek debt crisis is one part of the larger global economic crisis that began in 2008.  The immediate trigger for the economic crisis in Greece came in February 2010 as the government was forced to seek refinancing for more than $66 billion in debt.  During the heady days of irrational financial speculation of the late 90s and the beginning of the 21st century, global banking institutions conspired with the Greek government to conceal the extent of the debt holdings of the country.  The crisis caused a sobering up, and skittish investors downgraded Greece’s risk rating and withdrew from further refinancing of the debt, causing the February crisis.

The International Monetary Fund and European Union (IMF/EU) then proposed a package of cuts that would protect investors while savaging the Greek welfare state and placing a disproportionately high burden on poor and working class people.  The IMF/EU package includes a 2% increase in the sales tax, a cut in salary up to 20%, a freezing of pension payments and, in a move that most New Yorkers will recognize, new “sin” taxes on tobacco, alcohol and fuel.  The package will serve to further shrink the Greek economy during a time of recession and lock the country into decades of onerous debt repayments.

Problem of a Different Sort in New York

In New York, the state economy also went into a spiral after 2008 as the drying up of the finance sector exposed the weak foundations of the local economy.  Since the early 1990s, the state had pursued a policy that eased tax rates on the wealthy, allowed manufacturing firms to exit and built up an unhealthy reliance on taxes collected from Wall Street.  This led to a steep recession in the upstate economy, which had relied on the now vanishing industrial production.  After 2008, this depression migrated south toward New York City.

Democratic Party politicians, especially Governor David Paterson, joined their counterparts in the Greek Socialist Party (PASOK) by proposing and implementing cuts to all sorts of social services and public employment.  Buses and subways, schools and even hot meals programs for the elderly were axed in the name of closing a budget deficit that had been created by catering to financiers.  Trends toward the privatization of public services, especially in education, were intensified.  The cutbacks reached a new high recently as Paterson proposed to fire 6,700 teachers from the state’s already beleaguered public school system.

Differing Political Cultures

Here, the Greek and New York comparisons diverge quite sharply.  Greece has a long tradition of political militancy, especially among organized workers and students.  Once the crisis broke in early 2010, the unions were propelled into motion.  Since February, they have carried out a number of general strikes in protest of austerity that have managed to bring cities across the country to a standstill. 

Political parties such as the Coalition of the Left Movements (Synaspismos) have called for using the tactic of the strike to reject the IMF/EU austerity package.  They intend to force international financial institutions to reduce and re-negotiate the debt while defending the wages and pensions of Greek workers.

Things have been a bit tamer in New York.  Proposals to increase tuition payments and cut operating budgets at the City University of New York have produced a small revival of student activism.  Equally, attempts to close local schools resulted in inspirational community-based mobilizations against the closures that have had mixed success.  However, a recent proposal to furlough, through one day a week of forced unpaid vacation, 100,000 state workers brought out large-scale worker protests in Albany and legal actions by public-sector unions that staved off the cut.

The problem facing workers in the New York is two-fold.  First, a large percentage of the state’s organized workers are public employees.  This means that their hands are tied by the state’s draconian Taylor Law, which enforces a three-day fine for every one-day strike action.  Only coordinated actions by all public sector unions can break this restriction. 

Simultaneously, state residents remain locked into a two-party electoral system, which deeply favors the Democratic Party.  This political arrangement is purposefully designed to prevent radical proposals for dealing with things like budget deficits from being presented in Albany.  A voter revolt at the election booth is a necessary part of breaking this stranglehold by the Democrats.

Is the Buffer Dissolving?

One final difference between Greece and New York may be evaporating quickly.  Unlike Greece, the New York economy has been stabilized by Federal stimulus funds that have heavily favored Wall Street banks and investment firms.  However, signs from Washington indicate that such funding will be cut, just as in Greece, to satisfy the increasingly boisterous demands of international financiers already saturated with US debt offerings.  For Washington policy makers, Greece is like looking in the mirror.

Should this turn toward austerity also occur in the US, places like New York would face even greater pressure to slash budgets.  That is, unless, as we see on the streets of Greece, a renaissance of the radical left occurs.  In that case, proposals for putting the needs of people ahead of financial institutions might gain popular appeal.  And the financial sector would be a plump target since, at last count, the 10 largest US financial institutions hold nearly 60% of all US financial assets.  A lot of social good could be done, in both Greece and New York, with such immense wealth. 

Perhaps New Yorkers have important lessons to learn from the seemingly far away events playing out in Greece.

Billy Wharton: Tell me about the action carried out at Tulane. Why did the workers go out on strike? What are work conditions like? What do you hope to win?

Lauren Elliott: On Friday, April 23, the 50 out of 54 Sodexo employees scheduled to work in the Tulane cafeteria, Bruff Commons, went on a legal one-day strike to protest unfair labor practices committed by Sodexo — mostly intimidation and threats by management towards workers involved in organizing efforts. These workers have been organizing with the international union SEIU since last fall and would like to form a union free from intimidation from their management. Sodexo workers on Xavier and Dillard’s campus (two other universities in New Orleans) are unionized with SEIU. The main complaints from the workers regarding working conditions are a total lack of respect from management (one woman has been working for Tulane food service for 40 years and must ask permission to go to the restroom), inadequate healthcare benefits (for most employees the healthcare plan provided would cost 2 weeks of their salary), and poverty wages (almost all make below $10.00, and, again, the woman who has been here 40 years make $9.50/hour). Many workers have waited over a year for raises, only to receive a raise of $0.20 or less. Many were hired, told they could rise to management, only to realize they would be unable to do so because Sodexo would never provide training (they prefer to hire outside management).

You can find testimonials directly from workers at the website.

BW: What resistance strategies are you employing? Is this primarily a worker’s action? Are you looking to building community-labor support? How are other groups on campus reacting?

LE: Since February, students have been organizing around two demands: 1) That the workers, who are laid off over the summer, all receive a guarantee that they would have the first right to recall in the fall. This is to ensure that management does not target anyone for organizing activity. 2) That our university implement a Labor Code of Conduct that applies to all faculty, staff, contracted and subcontracted workers on Tulane’s campus. The main component of this is the right to organize free of intimidation. The workers will receive the first right of recall (although the language isn’t as strong as we would like), and the Labor Code of Conduct has been forwarded on the Social Issues Committee. Our fall campaign will focus on the implementation of the Code.

Because as tuition paying students, our power lies in pressuring our university (as opposed to Sodexo). We demand that our university hold Sodexo accountable for the same labor practices Tulane University guarantees its employees. The power is in the hands of the client, and if Tulane tomorrow said Sodexo had to change its practices or risk losing its contract, Sodexo would do so. Our campaign over the past months has involved a series of correspondence between President Cowen, rallies, marches, meetings with Sodexo management. In addition to student-planned events, we have accompanied the workers twice when they went to deliver letters to Sodexo management. Here is a video of our first action in March. You can see the letters and press coverage on our website.

Generally, groups on campus have been very supportive. We had a petition signed by 1200 students and the faculty drafted their own letter with 110 signatures, which was delivered to our president with the first letter. Faculty members are continuing to organize around the implementation of the Labor Code of Conduct. Community members and local business have also shown support through food donations for our worker appreciation BBQ.

BW: Last year there were only five strike actions carried out in the country, one of the lowest numbers since World War II. Tell our readers why you think a strike is necessary at this point?

LE: At Tulane, the strike was necessary because it was the first time the workers had the opportunity to be public, vocal, and united. Up until the strike, only a few workers had the courage to share their stories at rallies and at city council. Most feared that if they went public with their support of a union, they would [face] retaliation from management. The day of the strike they stood at the picket line and said “Look at us, we are human!” as their managers walked by. After months of silence and fear, the workers were tired of being tired. Finding courage in each other, they demanded that management see them, hear them, and treat them with the respect and dignity they deserve. The first worker back on the job on Saturday told me that his manager said “Good Morning” to him for the first time ever.

BW: How can people outside of the New Orleans area contribute to your struggle?

LE: They should definitely check out the website, videos, etc., listen to the stories of the workers at Tulane. Then they could reach out to the service workers in their own area. I bet they have stories to share that have never been shared. I imagine many are also fearful to tell the truth about their working conditions. Hear their stories, build relationships, cross boundaries generally not crossed. After that, the organizing can begin.

Lauren Elliott is a member of United Students Against Sweatshops and a senior at Tulane University in New Orleans. She will be graduating this May and will continue her organizing work in New Orleans.

The union has taken further steps toward the picket line. On Thursday, doormen took to the streets to deliver leaflets at local subway stations throughout Manhattan. The leaflet entitled “An Urgent Message to New Yorkers” laid out the worker’s rationale for striking and stated that, “we are prepared to sacrifice now in order to ensure that our families have a future of living and working in New York.” Union officials called this a “first-ever effort” to build support among New Yorkers during a contract dispute.

Political allies of the workers are also moving to turn up the heat on the RAB. Late last week, newly elected Public Advocate Bill DeBlasio created a tenant, condominium and co-op owner assistance web page and hotline ostensibly designed to assist the estimated one million residents who could be affected by the strike. DeBlasio has been an outspoken supporter of the union, so the creation of the hotline signals that the union is seeking to escalate the confrontation. Creating a cleavage between the building residents, the landlords and the RAB negotiators will be a critical task for any successful strike strategy.

Late Wednesday 32BJ took the most serious step yet towards a strike by appointing nearly 1,000 strike captains to help coordinate picketing. The captains were provided information concerning legal issues related to any potential picketing. Conducting the strike will be a monumental task since it would affect some 3,200 buildings, creating picket lines throughout the City. Newly deputized doorman Santiago Gonzalez expressed the determined confidence of the workers “We are ready to walk out if we need to. We all have families to support and rents to pay.”

Meanwhile, on the 7th Floor of the Sheraton New York Hotel and Towers in Midtown Manhattan, negotiations continue on an almost round-the-clock basis. In an effort to debunk the RAB claims of poverty, an Industry Fact Sheet released by the union emphasized that the recession has ended and quoted a Crain’s article describing it as, “One of the mildest recessions in half a century.” In addition, 32BJ argued that building worker’s wages make up only 8% of building operating costs. Matt Nerzig, Chief Spokesman for 32BJ provided the latest update from the negotiating table, “The time has come for the $587 billion real estate industry to recognize that workers making $40,000 a year need wage increases to make ends meet in New York City.”

Public outreach has begun, the complaint hotline is ready and the strike captains appointed. As the clock ticks toward the 12:01 am deadline on April 21 all roads seem to be leading to a strike. If so, large swaths of Manhattan, especially the Upper East and West Sides, could be converted from a playground for the elite into a site of class conflict. New Yorkers may soon be asked to throw their support behind either billion dollar landlords or 30,000 building workers striking out for a fair contract.

The workers, represented by the union Service Employees International Union Local 32 B-J, voted on April 1 to give their contract negotiators the right to call a strike action. This was no April Fool’s gag. The workers are angered by the paltry contract terms offered by their employer, the Realty Advisory Board (RAB). With an average salary of $40,000 a year, these doormen, concierges, handymen and porters are seeking cost of living adjustments and improved healthcare benefits. If acted on, the strike action would the first since the two-week work stoppage in 1991.

The RAB is an association of thousands of New York City landlords. As negotiations spiral ever closer to the April 21 deadline, they have sought to tighten up unity by releasing a fifty-page manual for building owners and issuing a gentle warning against individual negotiations with the union. During the last doorman strike of 1991, several building owners bypassed the RAB and signed “me-too” individual agreements with 32BJ that ended the strike at their particular building. This weakened the hand of building owners. The tactic remains an active fear for the RAB in this latest round of contentious negotiations.

The workers, for their part, are focusing on the extreme difference between their stagnant wages and the soaring costs of living in the region. The Consumer Price Index for New York City has increased by more than 11% since the doorman’s last contract and the popular benchmark of the price of milk has soared by 10%. In addition, Manhattan rents continue to buck national trends of decline and amount to nearly double those in cities across the country. Real estate is still booming in New York City and the doormen are looking for their fair share.

A potential strike is significant in the broader context of organized labor in New York City. New York is a union town, but the overwhelming number of organized workers labor in the public sector. They are, therefore, restrained from striking by New York’s draconian Taylor Law, which enforces a three-day fine for every one day out of work. New York’s doormen are employed privately and any potential strike action could become a representation of the anger felt by all workers – public and private. No road to a general strike, but an opening through which workers in the city might realize their collective power.

The question of the bargaining bluff always remains. Is the union just trying to create some leverage at the table by throwing around the word strike in the media? Are they really preparing the workers for a long struggle on the picket lines? The RAB and their constituent landlords seem to be taking the strike claim seriously. A notice went out to thousands of doorman building dwellers last week to prepare for the job action. On April 21, Manhattan’s upwardly mobile may awaken to a world made a little less comfortable as picket lines replace concierge service. Or, they can pay a bill that is now long overdue.

The film wrestles with the increasingly divergent political positions offered by the various sections of the Tibetan movement. Inside Tibet, the mass uprisings against the PRC in 2008 suggest that the population continues to push forward with demands for independence. This sentiment is echoed in the large Tibetan exile community housed primarily in Dharamshala, India. However, the official leadership in exile, headed by the Dalai Lama, continues to pursue a “middle-path” strategy that rejects claims for independence and seeks only cultural autonomy within the national boundaries of the PRC.

Deep cultural and political problems ensue because of the positioning of the Dalai Lama in the Tibetan movement. Is he Tibet’s political leader or symbol of cultural unity? A God on earth or political tutor seeking to impart Western lessons of democracy to his people? For young Tibetans in exile feeding off the energy of the movement in Tibet, this political tension leads them to organize a mass march to begin a civil disobedience campaign at the border of India and China. They have clearly internalized the Dalai Lama’s lessons about non-violence, but refuse to accept his strategy that relies almost entirely on high-level negotiations with the PRC. The march to the border forms the vital force of a film dominated by one-on-one interviews.

Extended screen time is allocated to interviews with the Dalai Lama. However, this is a gently critical treatment. The Dalai Lama is shown as struggling with his desire to cultivate democratic instincts within the population while also steering the movement in a moderate direction. Simultaneously, the leader has to struggle against Chinese officials who consistently and publicly misrepresent his position as pro-independence and, thereby, separatist. These divergent pressures lead Dalai Lama to speak against the march to the border in public. Simultaneously, its continuance is un-narrated evidence of an emerging independent political culture among the exiles.

Yet all sides of the Tibetan community recognize the importance of the Dalai Lama as a cultural figure. The Chinese government is presented as being intent on defaming the influential monk as a retrograde phenomenon of the Diaspora. He, they claim, has lost all influence inside of Tibet. In one of the more compelling scenes of the movie, a Tibetan filmmaker smuggles himself into the country to test these claims by documenting popular feelings about the Dalai Lama. What he finds defeats the official Chinese line. When he plays a video of the monk, all of the people of the house fall on their knees in prayer. An older man sobs as he describes his sincere desire to see the Dalai Lama return to the Tibetan capital of Lhasa. The films were smuggled out of the country, the filmmaker was arrested.

Tibetan intellectuals in the film hold a variety of positions vis-à-vis the Dalai Lama and the demand for national independence. The more edgy of the bunch seek affinity with the militant sections of the movement in Tibet. The Dalai Lama is presented as a political retardant on this process. For instance, his absence or even his blessing of the march to the border marks the separation of the official leadership from an emerging movement. Yet many would also agree with the cultural positioning of the Dalai Lama made by the dissident Tibetan poet Woeser. She presents him as a key point of cultural unity for all Tibetans and, therefore, critical to disrupting the Chinese strategy of social dislocation and cultural annihilation. The Dalai Lama remains the key cultural figure over which internal and exiled dissidents are bridged.

The Sun Behind the Clouds accomplishes the task of bringing the fascinating political world of Tibetan politics to life. By focusing on Tibetan actors, the film manages to avoid the now staid moralizing of the mainstream, predominantly American and European, Free Tibet movement. Consequently, the film is not for the entirely uninitiated. If you are thinking of viewing this movie, and are not well versed in the Tibet-China conflict, you would do well to examine a more rudimentary film first. Do not let this stop you though, because The Sun Behind the Clouds offer viewpoints that are entirely absent from previous treatments.

The Sun Behind the Clouds runs at the Film Forum until April 13th.