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Last
week I visited New Orleans’ John McDonogh High School, where students
organized a press conference to call attention to the conditions at their
school. At the school, which is one of 17 former city schools now under
state control, security guards outnumber teachers, school lunches are
sometimes served still frozen, and many textbooks and other vital supplies
are unavailable.
The state-run school
district began hiring teachers just weeks before the school year started,
and is still short 21 teachers in its five high schools. “Our school has
39 security guards and three cops on staff, and only 27 teachers,” one
McDonogh teacher with 250 students on her roll explained. Young,
untrained, security guards were involved in three fights with students in
two days last week, she added.
“Being at John Mac feels like I’m in prison,” one of the John McDonogh
students declared to the assembled media and allies. “The bus ride to
school feels like a trip from court to jail.”
Post-Katrina New Orleans has become a battleground in the national fight
over competing visions for the future of urban education. In September of
2005, with the city evacuated and all the schools closed, with no parents
or students or teachers around, suddenly anything became possible. Instead
of making gradual changes to an existing system, there was no system, and
virtually no rules or limits on what could be changed. “The framework has
been exploded since the storm,” confirms New Orleans-based education
reform advocate Aesha Rasheed. “It’s almost a blank slate for whatever
agenda people want to bring.”
Before the storm and displacement, New Orleans had 128 public schools,
4,000 teachers and 60,000 students. The system was widely regarded as in
crisis. Three quarters of eighth-graders failed to score at the basic
level on state English assessments. In some schools, JROTC, the high
school military recruiting program, was a mandatory class, mostly because
funding wasn’t available for other programs. Ten school superintendents in
ten years had been fired or quit. Many parents, especially white parents,
had pulled their kids out of the system -- almost half of the city’s
students were enrolled in private schools and parochial schools. Advocates
accused the most underfunded schools of functioning as little more than a
warehousing program for Black youth.
While the city’s private schools saw almost 90% of their students return,
public school enrollment is at fewer than 25,000, less than half the
previous levels. For those that have returned, they are attending a system
completely different from the one they left, what some have referred to as
a grand experiment in school reform, with more than 30 out of the 53
schools open this fall transformed into charter schools.
In other words, it has become a system that now consists of a majority of
publicly funded schools freed from many of the rules and oversight that
previously applied to public schools in the system.
Transformed System
From the beginning, many saw the post-Katrina landscape as an opportunity
to reshape the city. Days after New Orleans was flooded, The Heritage
Foundation, a right-wing think tank based in Washington, DC, was already
advocating for vouchers and “market solutions” to the city’s education
problems.
For advocates, the radical transformation of New Orleans’ education system
has created a new field of concerns. They worry that the new
administrations running the schools are inexperienced and unprepared to
take over the New Orleans system. “They say this is an experiment,” Tracie
Washington, NAACP lawyer and education advocate, explains, speaking about
the plans of advocates of charter schools. “Tuskegee was an experiment. We
have reason to be suspicious of experiments.”
The question of the role of the teachers’ union -- previously the largest
and perhaps strongest in the city -- is another contentious issue tied up
in the dispute over charters. The School Board voted in fall of 2005 to
lay off all but 61 of the 7,000 school system employees, and in June let
the teachers’ union contract expire with little comment and no fanfare.
Those rehired at charter schools return without their union.
For many New Orleanians, the union represents an important Black-led
political base advocating for justice within the education system. “Elites
of the city may prefer the teachers don’t come back because they represent
an educated class of Black New Orleans, with steady income, seniority, job
protection,” Jacques Morial, community advocate and brother of former
mayor Marc Morial, said at a recent forum.
According to education activists, students whose parents are able to
actively advocate for them have been able to get into better public
schools, but for those who have difficulty managing the system of
applications and red tape, their options are reduced. “Suffice it to say
that the old system worked for people with higher education, with more
resources,” Mtangulizi Sanyinka project manager of New Orleans’ African
American Leadership Project tells me. “It wasn’t that the system didn’t
work at all, it didn’t work for poor people.”
“There is an access barrier,” Rasheed confirms. “In the old New Orleans,
charters were an island in a sea of city schools. That’s no longer the
case. There’s currently a big group of kids that don’t have a school. Some
think it was one or two thousand in the spring semester. That’s a lot
considering you had only 12,000 total enrolled.”
Pre-Katrina, thousands of kids every year didn’t pre-register for any
school -- they simply showed up at their neighborhood school on the first
day, and the school found them a place. Now, most of those neighborhood
schools don’t exist, and those that do are no longer obligated to place
students who just show up.
Crossed Boundaries
Nationwide, the fight over charter schools has crossed traditional
boundaries of left and right, with many progressives supporting charter
schools as a potential tool for community control of schools, and an
opportunity to try education strategies that would not be possible through
the common bureaucracy of public schools. Opponents see charter schools as
a back-door strategy used by conservatives to undermine public schools,
and to create a two-tiered “separate but equal” hierarchy within the
public school system.
The struggle over what form the education system will take is also
fundamental to the larger issue of who will return and when. At forums, at
neighborhood meetings, and throughout the city and its Diaspora, parents
are anxious. In Houston and Atlanta, displaced parents are asking if their
kids will have a school if they return.
In the city, high school students at some of the most underfunded schools
have formed an organization, the Fyre Youth Squad, to advocate for change
in the schools. The group organized this week’s press conference, and
many adult allies have attended the group’s twice-weekly meetings at John
McDonogh to support the student’s organizing efforts
.
Students and their allies are fighting to not be left behind, but it’s an
uphill struggle with more questions than answers. Despite all of the
promises from charter school advocates, Tracie Washington, NAACP lawyer
and education advocate, is suspicious of their motives. “If you kick me
out of my kitchen because you say you can cook better than me,” she says,
“then your gumbo better taste better than mine.”
Jordan Flaherty is a resident of New
Orleans, an organizer with New Orleans Network and an editor of
Left Turn Magazine. His previous articles from New
Orleans are
archived here. He is on
myspace.com now with a weekly radio show every Friday,
Noon-2:00 PM CST on wtul 91.5fm. Listen
online. This article first appeared in the Fall 2006 edition
issue of Left Turn Magazine.
Other Resources for Information and Action
*
Reconstruction Watch
*
Common Ground
*
People's Hurricane Fund
*
Justice for New Orleans
*
Black Commentator
*
New Orleans Network
*
Families and Friends of Louisiana's Incarcerated Children
Other Articles by Jordan
Flaherty
*
Organizing
Lessons From One Year After The Devastation of New Orleans
* The Katrina
Anniversary
* The People
United: Worker’s Rights Organizing in New Orleans
* Elections
Fever
* Guantanamo
on the Mississippi
* Nothing
Stops Mardi Gras
*
Imprisoned in New Orleans with Tamika Middleton
* Privatizing
New Orleans
* Loss
and Displacement at the Calliope with Jennifer Vitry
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