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In
his first visit to the White House on May 23, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert told President Bush that Israel will “devote six to nine months to
find a Palestinian partner” before it pursues the unilateral “Convergence
Plan.” It was an empty promise. Olmert knows that given the reality in the
West Bank and Gaza Strip, the probability of returning to the negotiation
table is close to zero.
Since the ruling Fatah party lost the
democratic elections to the Islamist party Hamas, much has changed in the
Occupied Territories. Following Hamas’s electoral victory, Olmert asked
foreign leaders to boycott the new Palestinian Authority (PA) until it
complied with three conditions: 1) disarm Izzeddin al-Qassam and other
paramilitary groups; 2) annul Hamas’ charter, which calls for the
destruction of Israel; and 3) accept the agreements and obligations that the
Palestinian Authority took upon itself when the Fatah party was in control.
Given Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail Hania’s recent statement that if
Israel withdraws to the 1967 borders Hamas will be willing to sign a peace
agreement based on an extended hudnah (truce), the first two
conditions could easily become part of future negotiations rather than a
condition for negotiations. Olmert’s third demand, however, puts Israel in a
thorny spot. After all, Israel, not the Palestinians, has been using the
separation barrier in the past three years to execute a unilateral plan that
contravenes all previous agreements. Thus, according to Olmert’s logic, the
international community would also need to boycott Israel in order to remain
consistent.
Nonetheless, following U.S. pressure, the three other members of the Quartet
-- the United Nations, the European Union and Russia -- agreed to follow the
general thrust of Olmert’s demands, and have cut off most of the foreign aid
to the Palestinian Authority.
Even before the foreign aid was cut, 64 percent of the Palestinian
inhabitants were living under the international poverty line of $2.20 a day,
while the World Bank reported that acute malnutrition affected nine percent
of Palestinian children. Since the aid amounts to almost one-third of the
per capita gross national income in the West Bank and Gaza, the cuts could
eventually lead to a famine.
Since February, when the foreign aid was cut, the Palestinian Authority has
been unable to pay salaries to its 160,000 employees. These workers provide
direct livelihood to over one million people (almost a third of the
population), and if their salaries are not paid for a few more months the
Palestinian economy will totally collapse. Both Israel and the United States
are now thinking of ways to alleviate the dire situation -- after all, no
wants to be blamed for producing a famine. Together they have adopted a
scheme that could be called the “Somalia Plan.”
The idea is to transfer salaries directly to the bank accounts of those
90,000 PA workers who are employed by civil institutions like the education
and health ministries. The remaining 70,000 Palestinians who work for one of
numerous security apparatuses in the Occupied Territories will not receive
salaries. This will keep the economy just above the famine level, leaving
70,000 armed men with nothing but frustration and anger.
Under such conditions, a struggle is sure to break out among the different
Palestinian warlords over the scant resources in the Occupied Territories.
Already, Ha’aretz has reported that dozens of bombs have been laid
near houses or cars of senior Hamas officials and officers in the last few
weeks, while homes and cars of Fatah senior officials and Preventive
Security officers have also been booby-trapped. In some cases the bombs went
off, causing injuries and damage.
If the existing skirmishes among the different factions develop into
full-blown battle, it may very well be that certain segments of the
Palestinian population will go hungry. Yet, it’s the warlords or faction
leaders, rather than Israel or the United States, who will be blamed for the
human catastrophe. We are, in other words, witnessing Somalia in the making.
Members of the European Union have expressed “serious concern” about the
deterioration in the humanitarian, economic and financial situation in the
Gaza Strip and West Bank. But even though they have pledged to resume
payments to the Palestinians, E.U. foreign policy chief Javier Solana hinted
to Ha’aretz that resistance from the U.S. Congress might make it
impossible to transfer the funds.
So it is not only that Israel and the United States are uninterested in
abating the violent clashes among Palestinians. They do not seem to care
that a civil war in the Occupied Territories will both engender immense
suffering and destabilize the region for decades. In many ways, their
policies are precipitating this - not coincidentally, but as part of the
very logic informing the perpetual war on terror.
Neve Gordon teaches politics at
Ben-Gurion University, Israel, and is the editor of From the Margins of
Globalization: Critical Perspectives on Human Rights. He can be reached
at nevegordon@gmail.com.
Other Recent Articles by Neve Gordon
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No
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Nightlife in Jerusalem
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Missing: The Right To Know
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Excavating Israel’s Past
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