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Urban
Race Relations: "Everything Changed"?
Hidden
Continuities of Urban Racial Inequality Before and After 9/11
by
Paul Street
September
18, 2003
I'll
always remember the day I tried to engage in that silly exercise called
"speaking truth to power." It was early December of 2001. My topic
was American policymakers' decision to place nearly a million black people
behind bars and to mark more than 1 in three black males with a felony record.
As a member of a Chicago-based council of advisers working to help ex-offenders
"reintegrate" into the "free world," I was invited to a
pleasant conference room to give my thoughts on these matters to Matt Bettenhausen,
Illinois' "Deputy Governor for Criminal Justice and Public Safety."
Along with eight other council members, I presented facts and reflections on
the vicious circle of racially disparate mass incarceration. Among other
things, I noted that there were nearly 20,000 more black males in the Illinois
state prison system than the number of black males enrolled in the state's
public universities. There were more black males in the state's correctional
facilities just on drug charges, I added, than the total number of black males
enrolled as undergraduates in Illinois state universities.
Bettenhausen,
who hails from a local family of accomplished racecar drivers, arrived in time
only for the last talk. He apologized for his lateness, explaining that he had
been meeting with the state's Attorney General to discuss the "War On
Terrorism." His eyes beamed with pride as he told us that he had become
much busier since his appointment as the state's "first-ever Homeland
Security Coordinator." With an American flag pin prominently displayed on
his lapel, he regaled us with the latest reports on the United States military
campaign in Afghanistan. He was clearly relishing his new supposed importance
in the battle between planetary good and evil. "Wow," a fellow presenter
muttered, "he watches CNN."
After
thus communicating the relative insignificance of our issue at this moment of
sweeping global consequence, Bettenshausen told us that then Illinois governor
George Ryan would not be reversing his recent decision to eliminate higher
education and vocational training for prisoners from the state's budget. These
cuts, he claimed, were compelled by the "post-September economic
downturn" - a dubious dating of an overdue correction in the capitalist
business cycle.
Tires
squealing, he apologized for racing off to another meeting related to "the
war on terror." I was instantly reminded of James Madison's comment that
"the fetters imposed on liberty at home have ever been forged out of the
weapons provided for defense against real, pretended, or imaginary dangers from
abroad." Another phrase also came to mind: plus ca change, plus c'est la
meme chose (the more things change, the more they stay the same).
According
to a great national myth propagated by the in-power right wing War Party and
its allies and enablers in the dominant state-corporate media, "everything
changed" on September 11, 2001. Before 9/11, this authoritarian narrative
runs, Americans lived in peaceful division, pleasantly but naively stuck in
their own little prosperous domestic spheres. We were cheerfully but innocently
blind to the dangers of a still-precarious world and to the related greatness
and vulnerability of our nation. We were too preoccupied with our busy little lives
to grasp our creeping moral decline, epitomized by the sexual transgressions
and lies of Bill Clinton.
Thanks
to 9/11, we have lost our innocence and awakened to our national magnificence
and the related threats we face from bad people who hate and envy our freedom
and prosperity. United We Stand: we have transcended old divisions in shared
allegiance to the "war on terrorism" - a new crusade against a new
semi-permanent Evil Other that is the true replacement for Cold War predecessors
in Moscow and Beijing. We have been morally, politically, and spiritually
toughened, unified, and regenerated by violence: our own and that of our
"freedom"-hating enemies.
How
curious, then, to pick up the "Metro" section of a recent (August
6th) issue of my leading local newspaper - The Chicago Tribune. The front page
contains a photograph of fifteen well-dressed white people relaxing in a plush
and very predominantly Caucasian North Side neighborhood (Lincoln Park). They
are positioned to permit a photographer to re-create George Seurat's late 19th
century painting, titled "Sunday Afternoon on the Island of La Grande
Jatte."
It's
a perfect image of bourgeois calm and oblivious, self-satisfied, imperial
repose. The photograph, the Tribune reports, will be used for a
"recruitment poster" by the School of the Art Institute of Chicago,
which does not seem terribly interested in attracting student's from the city
and metropolitan area's large African-American population.
Things
are a bit more stressful in another, blacker part of town. Further down on the
same page of the same section, we can read the results of a recent research
report on 1,587 African-Americans living in the decrepit Ida B. Wells housing
project on the city's South Side. More than half of the households there have
incomes less than $5,000. Less than a fourth of the heads of those households
are employed. According to the Urban Institute, 1,000 people living at Wells
may end up homeless as a result of the city's imminent demolition of the
project. There's an endemic shortage, the Institute notes, of affordable
housing for the project's residents and indeed for poor people throughout the
city. Only a small number of the displaced will qualify to live in the
"mixed income" dwellings the city will build where the facility used
to sit. This is terrible, but it's an old story. Since the early- and mid-90s,
public authorities have been demolishing public housing projects with only
minimal attention to the needs and limited resources of very predominantly
black public housing residents. The Chicago version is called the "Chicago
Housing Authority Transformation Plan," a local monument to the market worshipping,
privilege -friendly philosophy of global corporate neo-liberalism. Pushing
disadvantaged inner-city residents and the idea of social justice to the remote
margins of public concern, that philosophy holds that markets make the best
decisions, that social action to improve your situation is self-defeating and
silly, and that the best and only way to succeed in life is as a sovereign
individual consumer and investor in a "free market society." Its
triumph was proclaimed "inevitable" ("there is no
alternative") by leading architects of American policy and opinion long
before lunatics from a distant US-protected oil sheikdom turned flying
gasoline-filled symbols and agents of petroleum-addicted corporate
globalization into weapons of mass destruction.
As
researchers and activists pointed out long before the jetliner attacks
"changed everything," the available stock of such housing in Chicago
is insufficient to absorb the displaced public housing population. That
population is "free" to be homeless, thanks to the working of
economic forces that carry social costs of secondary concern to local
policymakers. Those policymakers, including the Mayor, are beholden to
commercial and real estate property developers seeking to remove poor black
inner city residents from choice urban investment locations. Those locations
are slated for predominantly white professionals, who want to live and shop in
proximity to their offices in downtown Chicago, a leading headquarters for
heavily state-subsidized and global corporations like the Boeing Corporation,
which equips such marvelous adventures in democratic free-market progress as
the terrorist occupation of Palestine (1948 to the present) and the bombings of
Baghdad (both pre- and post-9/11) and (pre-9/11) Belgrade.
Another
story on the exact same Tribune page also indicates that some situations remain
normal in the post-September era. It notes that seven inmates, mostly black,
were recently beaten with pool cues by guards at the city's giant Cook County
Jail. How pre-9/11: this is the third such high-profile incident reported in
the last four years at Cook County. The latest revelations come just days after
Cook County States' Attorney Richard Devine - notorious in the black community
for his habit of putting innocent African-Americans on death row (Alice Kim,
"We Want Justice for the Death Row 10," Socialist Worker Online at http://www.socialistworker.org/2001/379/379_02_
DeathRow10.shtml) - announced that he would not file charges in connection with
the beating of five shackled Cook County inmates in July 2000. Meanwhile,
federal investigators are conducting a civil-rights violation investigation
into an alleged mass beating involving 40 guards at the same jail in 1999.
Last
July, the Chicago public was momentarily shocked - these things pass, as the
media moves on - to learn of a terrible accident on Interstate 57, south of
Chicago. Several blacks and Hispanics were critically injured and two died when
a van rolled over while carrying 18 Chicagoans to visit loved ones warehoused
in racially disparate mass penitentiaries located in the southern part of
Illinois. Terrible, but not new: on January 26th of 2001, almost 9 months
before "everything changed," a Salvation Army van carrying eleven
people on Interstate 55 south of Chicago collided with a tractor-trailer,
killing all ten of the van's passengers and its driver. Ten of the dead were
Black and one was Hispanic. The van was part of a regular service that took
people from Chicago's predominantly black West Side to visit relatives and
mates doing time in state prison.
After
both crashes, nobody in the local media or politics had much to say much about
the relationship between the victims' race and the nature of the van's
destination. There were no connections made between the tragedy and the state's
policy decision to dramatically increase the number of prisoners in Illinois -
mostly black and from the Chicago area - from 27,000 in 1990 to nearly 47,000
in 2000 (even as crime fell) and its related building of 11 new mass
correctional facilities in Illinois during the same period massive job-programs
for de-industrialized downstate whites that are placed at increasingly vast
distances from the "offenders'" home communities (See Paul Street,
The Vicious Circle: Race, Prison, Jobs and Community in Chicago, Illinois, and
the Nation [Chicago: Chicago Urban League, October 2002], available online at
www.cul-chicago.org).
Speaking
of jobs, an excellent recent front-page article in the Tribune notes that mass
lay-offs enacted during the curiously "jobless" Bush
"recovery" have hit Chicago's black population especially hard.
Blacks "feel frozen out of the work world," as local activist Eddie
Read told the Tribune. The feeling among black workers and job applicants, the
paper explains, is very different from the late 1990s, when increased labor
demand significantly cut black unemployment, even among lesser-skilled inner
city workers. It is worth noting, however, that the black unemployment rate
(18.2 percent) was more than four times higher than the white unemployment rate
(less than 5 percent) even at the peak of the "Clinton boom" - which
"lifted more yachts than rowboats" as the Tribune noted last year.
Also meriting mention is the fact that Chicago area job growth in the booming
90s was dramatically higher in white communities than in black communities (see
The Color of Job Growth [2002], available online at www.cul-chicago.org). Here
we are dealing with continuities that go back much further than 9/11. They
reach back further than the Great Depression, when blacks were the "last
hired and first hired" for neither the first nor the last in American
history.
To
more directly sense the rich continuities of racial homeland inequality in
Chicago before and after "everything changed," you don't need to read
newspapers or project studies. You can drive west out of the city's downtown on
Madison Avenue, past the stadium that Michael Jordan built (the United Center)
and into the heart of desperately impoverished West Side neighborhoods like
North Lawndale and West and East Garfield. A large number of teen and younger
adult males gather on street corners. Most of them are part of the city's large
and very disproportionately black concentration - estimated at 97,000 strong in
2001 by the Center for Labor Market Studies (Northeastern University) - of
"disconnected youth," 16- to 24-years olds who are both out of school
and out of work. Many of them are clearly enrolled in gang organizations and
engaged in the narcotics trade. Many of them have already served or will soon
serve as raw material for the aforementioned "downstate" prison
industry. Older unemployed males, many unrecorded in the nation's official
unemployment statistics (their "discouraged" status means they are no
longer actively participating in the labor force), congregate around liquor
stores and missions. The endemic stress, disappointment, and danger of
inner-city life is etched on their faces.
Equally
evident is the relative of absence of retail facilities, services, and
institutions that are standard in richer, whiter neighborhoods: full-service
modern grocery stores, drugstores, bookstores, restaurants, doctors, dentists,
lawyers, dry-cleaners, banks, personal investment and family insurance stores,
boutiques, coffee shops, and much more. Business and homes are visibly
dilapidated, with many of the former relying on hand-painted signs to advertise
their wares. Local business owners, many of whom are Arab, protect their
enterprises from burglary with bars and gated shutters. Pawnshops and barebones
storefront churches are widely visible, as are liquor stores and currency
exchanges advertising super-exploitive Payday loans. Taxicabs are scarce and
those that do serve the neighborhoods are generally low-budget, fly-by-night
"jitney" firms.
The
small number of whites seen in these neighborhoods and their South Side
counterparts are males working in traditional working-class "jobs that
pay" - street and sewer repair, construction trades, firemen, and the like
- that appear to be unavailable to black males.
Police
cars cruise warily, their occupants donning bullet-proof vests deemed necessary
in waging the war on drugs in neighborhoods where people with felony records
outnumber legitimate jobs.
This
is pretty much how these neighborhoods looked and felt before 9/11. Truth be
told, they look a lot like they did in the 1960s, even before the riots that
are supposed to have taken away their vitality, actually stolen by a process of
disinvestment that was already well underway.
How
have things changed since 9/11 in these neighborhoods? Simply put, the core
continuities of human suffering and hopelessness have been accelerated. Things
have gotten worse at a quickened pace, thanks in large part to the racially disparate
joblessness of the current recovery. Also part of the unpleasant equation is
9/11 itself, or more accurately the official, right-led public and media
response to the terror attacks. September 11th gave the radical-right Bush
junta - falsely labeled conservative - a precious opportunity to divert public
attention away from the causes and consequences of urban inequality, to starve,
cripple, and pre-empt programs that might alleviate the suffering caused by
racism and related socioeconomic inequality, and to conflate dissent with
treason. These masters of war at home and abroad have seized on the opportunity
with all deliberate speed, consistent with the timeworn conduct of concentrated
power, before and since "everything changed." Empire abroad has always
been and remains both reflection and agent of inequality and repression at
home.
Paul Street is an urban
social policy researcher in Chicago, Illinois. His book Empire Abroad,
Inequality at Home: Essays on America and the World Since 9/11 (Paradigm
Publishers) will be available next year. This article appeared in ZNET (www.zmag.org/weluser.htm).
* Forbidden
Connections: Class, Cowardice, and War
* The "Repair"
of "Broken Societies" Begins at Home
* Deep Poverty,
Deep Deception: Facts That Matter Beneath The Imperial Helicopters