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Bush
in Babylon: The Recolonization of Iraq
An
Interview with Tariq Ali
by Amy Goodman and Democracy Now!
October
18, 2003
First
Published in Democracy Now!
[Transcript of Democracy Now radio
program, October 10, 2003]
AMY
GOODMAN: We are joined by Tariq Ali, a writer and film-maker. He’s written over
a dozen books on world-history and politics as well as five novels and scripts
for both stage and screen. He is an editor of New Left Review, lives in London,
his latest book is Bush in Babylon: The Recolonization of Iraq. You’ve
just listened to this discussion of the gold-rush in Iraq. Right now, your
thoughts?
TARIQ
ALI: Well, this is exactly what we knew would happen. They didn’t make any big
secret of it. This is, after all, colonization in the age of neo-liberal
economics and war and neo-liberal economics go hand-in-hand. (transcriber’s
note: he may mean “neo-conservative,” rather than “neo-liberal.”) It’s very
interesting, the countries they take now are countries which have essentially
had a great deal of state-provision for the poor, whatever their other defects,
and whenever they go in, the first thing they do is privatization. The
interesting thing, as the professor for Washington pointed out, is that this is
a privatization which has been carried out by US-companies. It doesn’t even
benefit the locals, even the local merchants, and it’s crazy because the one
social layer the occupation might have won over in Iraq are the layer of
merchants, who tend to collaborate with occupying regimes. They did so with the
British in the twentieth century and they would probably do so with the United
States but the big entry of American money and American companies to do
virtually everything, because they don’t trust the Iraqis, on any level, it
means they’ll be even more isolated but it is a classic process of colonization
which is taking place. They’ve taken the country, they’ve occupied it
militarily and now their companies are pouring in and, because we live in a world
where the state is constantly under attack, these private companies are being
expected to do every single thing. What they, of course, underestimated very
seriously before they went in and are still doing so is the degree of
resistance in that country and the notion that these companies will be able to
exist very long –- for every reconstructor that goes, they will need ten people
to guard him or her. That’s their problem and so it’s not going to even work
out economically, in my opinion. It’s a disaster, which is why we see Wesley
Clark and the Democrats, who were silent, by and large, prior to the war,
because they were totally petrified by 9-11, are now coming out into the open
and not just them: people elsewhere in the world too because the Iraqi resistance,
which is a classical stage, the first stage of any resistance against an
occupying power, is much more successful than any of us had thought.
JUAN
GONZALEZ:: Well, what about the character of that resistance? We’ve heard from
the American generals there and from the Bush-Administration, this is largely
remnants of the Ba’athist-Party of Saddam Hussein or, maybe, now, some
infiltration of Al Qaeda-figures but, anyway, it’s basically, any way you look
at it, it’s basically the remnants of evil elements within Iraqi society. It’s
not really a patriotic movement of any kind. What’s your assessment or --
TARIQ
ALI: Well, that’s totally false. All the more objective journalists from the
mainstream-press who are there report every single day -– certainly in the
European press, including the British press -- that the bulk of the people are
hostile to this occupation. They don’t like it, they don’t like being occupied.
Even in the old days, about 25, 30 years ago, even in this country, if you
explained on radio or television that, if a country is occupied, by and large,
people in that country don’t like it. It’s not a big mystery. They don’t like
being occupied and Iraq, especially, has a long history of resistance, so, of
course there are elements of the Ba’ath Party involved in the resistance, and
why shouldn’t there be? I mean, Saddam was sort of a pretty horrid person but
large chunks of this party have a perfectly legitimate base in that country. It
includes nationalist-groups. There are forty-four different groups involved in
the resistance now and the Iraqi Communist Party’s decision to collaborate with
the United States is coming under very heavy fire from its own rank and file
and from many of its many leading poets and intellectuals, saying, “Get out of
here.” The big thing will happen is when the Shi’ite groups in the south of
Iraq decide enough is enough and join the resistance and, when they do, it
really will be the beginning of the end. There’s no way they can carry on.
AMY
GOODMAN: And do you think they will?
TARIQ
ALI: I think they will. All the indications are that they are getting very fed
up. I mean, for God’s sake, in all the Shi’ite cities in the South, Najaf in
particular, there are Polish troops there. What the hell are these Poles doing
in Najaf? I mean, people are just bewildered by this and getting angry and they
are very angry also in the southern – the south of Iraq with the British
presence. These are British troops who are coming back to occupy bases which
they occupied in the 20s, 30s and 40s, so people are seeing a re-run of
history, this time dominated by the United States.
JUAN
GONZALEZ:: One of the things that most impressed me, both with your first book,
Clash of Fundamentalisms and what I read of this book is that the -– you really
delve into the history of the Left and modernist-movements, within the Arab
World, something which, whether -– in the West, here -- whether it’s from the
Left or the Right, people totally don’t pay attention to, and, so you paint a
picture of Iraq or many of these other Arab and Muslim countries, where there
has been a continual battle between the Left and progressive forces and the
fundamentalists and that imperialism, both British and US, have always propped
up the fundamentalists to keep down the nationalists and the progressives and
the Left. How is this playing out now in Iraq?
TARIQ
ALI: Well, you see how it’s playing out in Iraq in Bush and Babylon, I provide
chapter and verse.
JUAN
GONZALEZ:: Mm-hm.
TARIQ
ALI: That, throughout the years when -- they were first with Saddam, they used
Saddam to crush the Communists. King Hussein of Jordan -- you know, not a
friend of mine -- said that the CIA provided Saddam with a list of Communists
who should be wiped out, so a big, big force, a secular force in the country,
was wiped out. Then they unleashed Saddam against the Iranians, to fight the
Iran-Iraq War. Then, when Saddam got too big for his boots and said, “Why not
take Kuwait,” he misread signals but the signals were mixed from the United
States and then they decided, under heavy Israeli pressure, to try and deal
with him. Once they decided to deal with him, they were sending in pots and
pots of money to the Shi’ite organizations. Lots of them were being funded by
the West –- not all of them but some of the large organizations –- and these
organizations have thus become very strong and so we now see a situation which
the American Empire confronts in Iraq, which is, that, if it permitted a free
election and a constituent-assembly was elected, the overwhelming bulk of the
assembly would say, “One, get out of our country, two, Iraqi control of Iraqi
oil, and three,” if there was a Shi’ite majority, would say, “We want a
joint-security pact and some sort of federation or close links with Iran,” so
what do you do? You can’t permit an election, so what we’re seeing now is the
worst of every possible world. That’s why so many Iraqis being questioned now,
including Shi’ites, are telling western journalists, “We were much better off
under Saddam. This is Hell.”
AMY
GOODMAN: What about the Ba’ath Party saying they were the best force to battle
Islamic fundamentalism?
TARIQ
ALI: Well, they were. They did it crudely and they did it viciously but there’s
no doubt that they did do it, both in Syria and in Iraq, the Ba’ath Parties
were totally secular. They had absolutely no restrictions. I mean, they had
Christians and non-Muslims in their ranks and they were -- there was no
discrimination like that. On this question, they were good, though, in my
opinion, the way they decided to crush --the Syrian Ba’ath -- the way they
decided to crush the Islamic groups in Hamah was very brutal. I mean, they
killed about 100,000 people.
AMY
GOODMAN: What about the targets that we’ve seen right now – the United Nations,
the Jordanian Embassy, the Najaf holy site, the killing of the Sheikh, the Iraq
Foreign Minister?
TARIQ
ALI: The targeting of the United Nations, which created shock-and-horror waves
in the West, did not create the same – did not have the same results in the
Arab World, because everyone knows the role the United Nations has played in
sustaining the sanctions for twelve years, which cost the lives of half a
million kids, according to UNESCO-figures, and sanctioned the weekly bombing
raids by the United States and Britain of that country for twelve years prior
to the occupation, so, even if you talk to ordinary Iraqis, they hold the UN
responsible for policing the sanctions. They don’t like it and so there’s – I
mean, there’s a very interesting report by James Carabo in the Associated
Press, from Iraq after the UN was bombed. He said ordinary Iraqis are totally
indifferent. They say, “We don’t care about these people. We know what they did
to us.” The bombing of the foreign ministry is, again, a sign to show that the
collaboration will not work and, in fact, by and large, the targeting has been
clever, but killing of the Shi’ite leader in Najaf is a mystery. It’s denied by
everyone. The Ba’athists deny it. Other Shi’ite groups deny it. The Iranian
regime –- the Iranian president -- came as close as he could without naming
names to say that he held the United States responsible, in order to create
dissension within the Shi’ite community. Whether this is true, I don’t know. If
the United States did it –
AMY
GOODMAN: He was a supporter of the US.
TARIQ
ALI: Yeah. That’s why it’s crazy to imagine that they did it. I mean, you know,
crazy things have happened before. I tend not to believe that they did it but
this is certainly widely believed because after his death, of course, large
numbers of people came out into the streets and attached the occupation.
JUAN
GONZALEZ:: What about what we’ve been hearing about in recent days, the
possibility that there will be Turkish troops coming in to assist the
occupation? It almost seems like this is one blunder after another by the
United States. How is this viewed in Iraq?
TARIQ
ALI: Well, even the collaborators in Iraq are opposed to this particular one
because they’ve seen what the Turks do to the Kurdish people there. I mean, the
Turkish regime, the Turkish military, to be precise, has killed more Kurdish
people than were ever killed in Iraq. It denied the Kurds the use of their own
language in their schools, which is something Saddam Hussein never did. The
Kurdish language was always permitted in Iraq, so if you –- the Americans want
the Turks to police the regions where the resistance is strongest, so they take
the hits and reduce casualties of US-soldiers. The Turks want to police the
Kurdish areas, because they say there are lots of Turkish Kurds hanging out
there and they want to get them, so a big debate is going on between the two.
Whatever –- wherever the Turkish Army goes, it’s yet another classic mistake
because they simply have no idea what the history of that region is. The
ignorance is just incredible.
AMY
GOODMAN: We’re talking to Tariq, Ali. He is author of –- I should say, his
latest book is Bush in Babylon: the Re-colonization of Iraq. Juan?
JUAN
GONZALEZ:: In terms of the – I’d like to for moment – You’re a Pakistani, and,
probably, of all the countries in that region of the world, Pakistan you know
best and you’ve written often about it. What is happening right now within
Pakistan vis-à-vis the continuing battle – the occupation within Afghanistan --
what is the impact on Pakistani society of this strange collaboration and
alliance between the Pakistani government and the United States?
TARIQ
ALI: Well, we don’t hear much of Afghanistan in the news these days because,
you know, people have short memories, except on shows like this, where you
carry on discussing the state of the world, regardless, but Afghanistan is a total
mess. The writ of the West doesn’t extend beyond Kabul, the Northern Alliance
are in total control and all that’s happened is that the monopoly of heroine
has gone from the Taliban to the Northern Alliance, which means it comes, via
the Russian Mafia to Kosovo and from there to the rest of the world, so that
monop- -- They exercise a total control -- the Northern Alliance -- a monopoly
on heroine. The effect this is having in Pakistan is quite serious. The fact
that the Pakistani military decided to collaborate with the United States is
given the biggest boost to Islamism in that country. You have two big
Islamist-parties running two big provinces and they’re very open about it.
They’re very clear. They say, “We want this election, not because we defended
the Koran or the Word of God. We don’t need to do that. We won this election
because we were the only political parties in the countries who were hostile to
our country’s foreign policies and the United States Empire and none of the
secular groups did it, which is true, so all the mistakes which were made in
the past are being made again in Pakistan.
AMY
GOODMAN: Tariq Ali, Vennell Corporation, one of the many companies that are now
coming in the make their killing in Iraq and their connection to the Saudi
regime. The US actually did not speak a tremendous amount about the
terror-attack in Saudi Arabia and the fact that the Vennell Corporation and
employees of Vennell were killed in that. What role has Vennell played?
TARIQ
ALI: Well, Vennell has played a role of training private armies, sometimes
semi-official armies, sometimes official armies, in the Gulf-States, to try and
create a security-force to defend these regimes, which, after all, are not
democratic, so they need to be defended. This was a role which, in the 70s and
80s, Francis Fukuyama, then a minor functionary in the State Department,
assigned to the Pakistan-Army -- said you -– India is your traditional enemy.
Don’t collaborate with them but come to the Gulf States and, for a long time, there
were Pakistani soldiers and officers in virtually every Gulf-state, including
Saudi Arabia and they used to love to go there because salaries were much
higher than they were in Pakistan, so they were, you know, fighting each other,
“Yeah, I want to go to Saudi,” because they were paid much more, but then these
were withdrawn. I don’t know why. Probably because there was trouble in
Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc. The Saudis got nervous and then they started
relying on the United States and the United States advised them to take on
these private companies like Vennell. Everyone knows it. It’s not a secret. I
mean, I think more people know the name of this corporation in the Arab World
than they do in the United States because they play a pernicious role of sustaining
these undemocratic regimes.
AMY
GOODMAN: And its connection to the Carlyle Group? The Carlyle Group, who, one
of its great ambassadors is George Bush. As many people are suffering after
9-11, you have a few of these companies that are making an absolute fortune,
among them, the Carlyle Group, which, as many know, is funded by the bin Ladens
to the tune of millions, and its main ambassador, people like George Bush,
senior, and James Baker.
TARIQ
ALI: I know, and this is why these people now are now extremely embarrassed but
I think these people also –- I mean, if you remember, immediately after 9-11,
for the first time ever, in my memory, there was a lot of criticism of the
Saudi Royal Family in the American press -- something we never used to hear
before. Si Hirsch had big pieces in the New Yorker, there were pieces in the
New York Times, The Washington Post, etc. Suddenly, they stopped. Why did they
stop? Because, I think, the powers that be realized, “Look, there’s no one else
that we’ve got in that country. It’s the only family that we’ve got,” and you
deal with it. You know, it’s a bad family. It has awful people in there, but
you deal with it and I think the big pressure for this on this administration
did come from Bush senior and Baker.
JUAN
GONZALEZ:: I’d like to get, in the time we have left, a broader issue, a
broader question, is the whole issue of fundamentalism and democracy -- I think
you dealt with in Clash of Fundamentalisms very well, which is that there are
large fundamentalist-movements in many of these countries and the United States
is in the position of say- --on the one hand saying, “We want democracy,” but
on the other hand, recognizing, as happened in Algeria, as happened in Iran,
that democracy can lead to fundamentalist-majorities’ taking power and the
question of why fundamentalism has grown so much is directly related to the
crushing of progressive and modernist-movements in these countries by
imperialism. What’s the future, in terms of this?
TARIQ
ALI: Well, we’re paying the price now for what was done during the Cold-War
period, largely pushed through by the United States and its allies, in this
region, of destroying all secular alternatives and leaving the door open for
these groups. Many of these groups worked with them at the time. The second
part of your question is very interesting. If democracy means Islamist-groups’
coming to power, should we stop democracy? The West says, “Yes.” I argue, “No,”
even though I don’t like these groups. I contest what they have to say. I
challenge their view of Islam and its history but, nonetheless, I think the
best judge of this are people in these countries. If they vote for them, it’s
because there’s nothing else and the main reason they vote for them is these
are the only groups that resist the American Empire. Their own venal regimes
are in the pocket of the United States, secular groups have been virtually
immobilized through NGOs, so these Islamist-groups are the only opposition and
I think we have to watch Iran very closely. What has happened in Iran is, for
30 years, the clerics have ruled the country but we now have a situation in
where 75% of the population is under 35 years of age and this is a population
which has only lived under the clerics and they will settle accounts with the
clerics in their own way and that is the best way for regime-change:
organically, by the people of the country. If the United States will -- to
listen to the Israeli ambassador here and try and take Teheran, the mess would
be profound and it would strengthen the worst elements in that society.
AMY
GOODMAN: And the moving in on Syria? Like the sanctions that are being approved
by the US Congress?
TARIQ
ALI: It’s so crazy, given that they’ve got a mess in Iraq, there’s a big
resistance in Iraq. Allowing and encouraging, probably, the Israelis to go and
bomb Syria to put pressure on that regime and now put in sanctions, it shows
that they have learnt nothing and, if they decided to invade Syria, the Syrian
Army is much tougher than the Iraqi Army. It was wrecked by years of sanctions.
They will fight. The resistance would be much, much stronger in Syria, from the
first day and the Arab region could go up. This time, it could go up because a
second Arab country being attacked would be unacceptable to the region. The
fact that they’re even considering it shows they’ve learnt absolutely nothing.
AMY
GOODMAN: A final question: The former number-two official in the
Information-Ministry of Iraq was just hired by Fox News. He used to oversee
spying on foreign journalists. His name was Uday Attakhi.
TARIQ
ALI: Well, I mean, I would have thought Fox News was well supplied by people
like that already. What do they need another one for? (laughs)
AMY
GOODMAN: Tariq Ali, I want to thank you very much for being with us. We’ll
being hearing more from you. Tariq Ali’s book is Bush in Babylon: The Recolonization
of Iraq, and you’ll be in New York at the Synod House at Saint John the
Divine on Tuesday night from 7 to 9. I will be interviewing you in public
before an audience and we’ll have a very interesting discussion and people can
join in that discussion. That’s Tuesday night, for those of you who live in the
New York area, 7 to 9 at Synod Hall Saint John the Divine up at 110th Street. Thanks for being with us.
TARIQ
ALI: Thank you
* Listen to
Tariq Ali’s October 14, 2003 speech in New York
Democracy Now! is an
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* A
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