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The
Hyper-Imperialist Paradigm
by
B.J. Sabri
July
22, 2003
Theory
number 3: to confuse the debate on 9/11
In
the prevailing atmosphere of intimidation, debating 9/11 is problematic.
However, the study of the causes, implications, and historical significance of
the heinous crime against humanity of 9/11 should be a fundamental prerequisite
to debate it. This is especially true, at a time when US hyper-imperialists are
using 9/11 as a universal alibi to reconstruct the colonialist regime. The most
salient aspects of 9/11 are the following: 1) size of casualties, 2) size of
destruction in urban setting, 3) nationalities of the perpetrators, 4) motives
of the attack, 5) response to the attack.
Despite
the deliberate methodological absurdities and distorted analytical tools that
characterized the way with which the US ideologues tried to explain 9/11, the
cogent and valid method to dissect all preceding aspects remains a dialectical
method employing hypotheses, contradictions, similarities, thus drawing
plausible conclusions. If this happens, and the serious analyst confronts it as
a surgeon who must operate to save life regardless of the condition of the
patient, the objections of his family, and the prospects of operation success,
then the resulting outcome could establish a basis for understanding 9/11
without all the ideological fog that surrounds it. Because, this goes beyond
the scope of this article, I shall limit myself to an outline only.
One
such method of dissection is using simple mathematical equations that explore
input vs. output in science. In chemistry, for example, if you mix two atoms of
hydrogen with one atom of oxygen, you obtain water. In physics, speed equals
distance divided by time. A question: how did we manage to discover and
understand such complex chemical and natural phenomena, but are incapable to
address complex social events that require just analysis? The answer could not
be simpler: a structured ideology with an agenda is a modulator of responses
and perceptions, and in the US, it rules supreme. As an example, would anyone
accept that a scholar of American history responds to an enquiry about the
reason of the American Revolution by saying that American colonists were tired
of British colonialist rule? The answer is no. Such an inconsequential reply
cannot explain the American Revolution. Consequently, why do large sectors of
the American people supinely accept the Bush Administration’s argument
postulating that 9/11 happened because the attackers hated our freedom?
Since,
the attack against the United States was premeditated; the unavoidable question
would be for what reason? Unless we are dealing with deranged killers, which is
not the case here, no group would have gone to such an extent of planning and
simultaneity of execution just because they intended to kill so many innocent
people simply because they hate their freedom! In addition, any impartial
student of the history of the Middle East would be able to state that since
European powers and the US created Israel amidst Arab lands (1948), there has
been a continuous upheaval in the region. To understand the turmoil in the
Middle East, think of the causality factor in science. For example, science
never recorded that water can boil without applying heat at a certain
temperature. In historical context, a causality factor would be as follows:
before Israel existed, Palestinians never lived in refugee camps!
The
US gave active backing to Israel against all Arab issues. It armed Israel who
attacked Arab states and occupied their lands. It blocked all attempts to
resolve the Palestinian issue. It took part in the Iran-Iraq war by supporting
and arming Saddam. It stood aside while Israel ripped Lebanon asunder and
killing over 30,000 civilians. It bombed Libya. It went to war with Iraq after
it invaded Kuwait, killing hundreds of thousands of Iraqis. Its forces are
occupying almost the entire Arabic peninsula. It kept economic sanctions on
Iraq that killed more Iraqis than the war did. It stood aside again, while
Israel was butchering the Palestinians in their second uprising against Israeli
occupation.
If
the US input in the US-Arab world equation is all the above, then 9/11 is the
output. There is no other explanation to 9/11. Accordingly, the debate must
stand on this ground and on nothing else that is not pertinent or of no
consequence to the fundamental issue. Regardless of all the above, and by
supreme human values, even if the US input in the equation is catastrophic and
lacks the simplest notions of justice, the output of the same equation, i.e.,
the attack against the United States is unjustified and criminal. In
unequivocal terms, 9/11 is an act of genocide, no matter how the perpetrators
or their apologists want to describe it.
Nine
Eleven provided hyper-imperialists and American Zionism with the ideal settings
to move their project forward. The path they designed was effective: keep
talking about 9/11, scare the American people, make a tie between 9/11 and the
next targeted regimes. In a controlled democracy such as that of the US,
reality of things is an ethereal phenomenon that lacks confirmation by reasoned
argument. How is all this related to the war on Iraq? Incontrovertible facts
proved that Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11, and its inclusion in the 9/11
atmosphere was constructed on the hyper-imperialistic assumption that the American
people would not object to war if it is connected to 9/11.
To
prove this point, consider the following scenarios. 1) Since 15 of the
attackers are Saudis, then why did the US attack and occupy Afghanistan and
Iraq, and not Saudi Arabia? Answer: The US already occupies Saudi Arabia. 2)
Suppose the attackers were Iranians. There was a strong possibility that the US
might have responded with nuclear retaliation. 3) Now, suppose the attackers
were Turks. The US would have not launched any attack at all; Turkey is an ally
of Israel. 4) Suppose the attackers were Chechens, would the US attack Russia
or Chechnya? 5) Now, consider this: the perpetrators were Palestinians and
Israelis from Israel. The certain thing about this scenario is that the US will
never attack Israel, but Israel may expel all Arabs from Israel. As you can see
from all these suppositions, it is possible that America’s response to 9/11
could have been different according to each hypothetical occurrence. The fact
that Iraq was not involved in 9/11 did not change the decision to attack it.
Ideological and imperialistic calculations underpinned by 9/11 made that
decision easy to implement.
Conclusion:
motive number 3 is not a valid.
Theory
number 4: to intimidate world nations:
Through
out history, military power has been a means to impress, deter, or conquer. If
impressing and deterring others are objectives of states seeking preventive
measure against potential aggression, conquering is another issue. Conquering
requires wealth, standing armies, weapons development, efficient procurement,
and celebratory announcements on weapons performance. However, intimidation by
means of using military power against a designated adversary is an issue of a
different nature. Although intimidation is a violent mode of communication,
impressing or conquering, is not its objective; implied retribution or reactive
deterrence is, and it is the active ingredient.
Intimidation
is not an exclusive device pertaining to any state, group, individual, or
animal. However, in the hyper-imperialistic model, intimidation, especially
military, is an inverted deterrence with malleable semantic meaning. For
example, in the post-aggression period, the US warns Iran against interfering
in Iraq; what the US is doing is deterring, i.e., intimidating Iran from
challenging the building of an American hegemonic role in Iraq consequent to
its conquest. What would happen, if Iran or any other state, wanted to
interfere in Iraq, anyway? Would the US then launch demonstrative strikes to
cease the alleged interference? What if there were no interference, but the US
claims the contrary, and threatens a military strike? In this case, implied
deterrence loses its temporary semantic meaning and becomes real intimidation,
meaning, physical retribution may follow.
Hyper-imperialists
are threat dispensers. Tony Blair thundered to the Taliban “surrender Bin Laden
or loose power”; a year later, he plagiarized himself and thundered to Saddam
Hussein “surrender your weapons of mass destruction or loose power”. As Blair
was involved in his childish theatrics, Bush was unleashing his own theatrics
against the UN “disarm Iraq or face irrelevance”, and as he was eradicating an
already stultified “international law”, he did not forget to remind the world
“if it [the world] is not with the US, it is with the terrorists”. In such
manner, psychological intimidation has evolved to verbal terrorism, and
thereafter it assumed its final hyper-imperialistic shape, i.e., terrorism by
war
Along
this reasoning, the endless threats to take military action against Iraq, the
public relations campaigns describing new weapons, computerized simulation of
urban warfare, movement of men and weapons, and the talk about new generations
of bombs had to end. A practical demonstration of the US military might, became
imperative. Since intimidation is a powerful tool of psychological warfare, its
use is normal in political standoffs. Indeed, consequent to their latest
expeditions, hyper-imperialists did not waste time to warn the world to skip
the fine print, and directly read the
large one, where it says that a another world order is supplanting all previous
orders and it is trying to establish roots; and if nations would oppose it, let
them see Iraq. Nevertheless, military intimidation to world states does not
require war to be effective. Mali, Bolivia, China, and others, are well aware
of US military capabilities; nor is intimidation a prelude to subjugation;
Saddam had challenged the US until the end!
Conclusion:
motive number 4 is not valid.
Theory
number 5: To display American military technology for sale
Demonstration
of new military technology could be necessary for its purchase. Question: what
is the best way to demonstrate the efficacy of weapons? Answer, real warfare.
Thousands of weapons systems find their way to world markets after military
interventions. An example of this was Raytheon’s Patriot missile after the Gulf
War.
In
1992 alone, weapons world sales totaled over 142 billion dollars, of which the
US was responsible for almost half of it. In 1993, the US supplied weapons and
technology to 92 per cent of conflicts around the world. In the period 1998 – 2001, over 68 percent
of all arms deliveries were sold to developing countries. In 2001, total world
expenditure topped 839 billion dollars, while US peacekeeping operations budget
is only 0.6% of 1% dedicated to International Affairs. In the same year, The US
military sales accounted for 45.8% of all international conventional weapons
sales. [2]
As
you can see, the US is the largest weapons exporter in the world; and in this
specific example, it is normal that demands for weapons increases consequent to
any US war where the military-industrial complex has an opportunity to promote
new products. However, as a precondition for this increase to materialize, war
must happen to magnify international insecurity thus the perceived need for
more weapons. In separate analysis, the fact that the US government buys its
military requirements from the private sector, which invests astronomic capital
on research and development, has a critical consequence. 1) The sector needs to
recover the spent capital and to generate profit, and 2) there is an
interlocking connection between the government and the military industry as
when former government figures sit on the boards of, or have connection with
weapons manufactures and current government officials.
Immediate
consequence of this arrangement is that political, ideological, and financial
lobbyists have confluent interests on and unfettered reins over the decision
making of US wars. Nevertheless, practical demonstration of weapons in a real
war is not necessarily a fundamental requirement for their sale (for example,
although Israel owns a huge nuclear arsenal, it has never tested its weapons.)
Remember, a knife can kill even if it is blunt! Potential sales of new weapons
systems used in the US aggressions are, however, a desirable byproduct but it
is not fundamental to wage war. To prove this point, the military industry
cannot force the US government to go to war so they can sell weapons!
Conclusion:
motive number 5 is not valid.
Theory
number 6: To implement an ambitious hyper-colonialist project
In
a chase, when a rapacious animal focuses on a prey, the chase will soon end
with the prey lying lifeless. Evolving imperialism never lost sight of the oil
rich Middle East. The only way for the Arabs to deter marauding pirates was a
military, political, and economic union. Neither the Arab regimes wanted to do
that, nor the West and Israel. As 9/11 lifted the lid from the pot of
objectives that had been cooking for several decades, the principle chefs,
Israel and her US supporters, began preparing a gourmet presentation made of
oil, natural gas, and potential markets for Israeli products in particular and
non-essential American technological products in general.
Prior
to 9/11, the problems that were vexing the Middle East were aplenty. Most of
these were either legacy from colonialist rule, or generated by despotic
regimes, lack of political freedom and Arab discord on how to confront Israel’s
expansionistic policies. In general, the creation of Israel, the Palestinian
issue, Israel’s continuing occupation of the Golan heights, the war against
Iraq in 1991, American military presence in Arab lands, are all
Israeli-American actions imposed on the Arabs by force, and accepted by US
controlled Arab regimes always in the business of saving their rules. The fundamental
result of this unequal relation between the US and the Arabs is while the US
installed, reared, and protected all Arab regimes without exception; it could
not include the Arab people in this arrangement because of incompatible
political objectives.
When
Arab extremists responded to US violence and interventions with violence of
their own that culminated in 9/11, Israel, fundamentalist biblical zealots,
American Zionists, economic interest groups coalesced in a powerful omnium
gatherum, and formulated an ideological model for the Middle East that
included a hypothesis, a solution, and a vision.
The
Hypothesis: Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Benjamin Netanyahu, Douglass Feith,
William Safire, Thomas Friedman, Colin Powel, Dick Cheney, Elliott Cohen,
William Kristol, George Will, William Bennett, A.M. Rosenthal, Mort Zuckerman,
Henry Kissinger, Fox News, CNN, the Washington Post, the New York Times, Time
Magazine, Newsweek, a myriad of think-tanks, and opinion makers put forward a
project. This has a central theme: the Middle Eastern violence stems from a
lack of democracy, from poverty, and from the teachings of Islam.
The
Solution: the US must change the socio-economic, politico-religious, and
geopolitical configuration of the Middle East, even by military force. If this
change happens, violence will ebb and vanish.
The
Vision: a democratic Middle East will prosper under American military tutelage,
will abandon violence, and will join the modern age.
The
problem with this trilogy lies in its insidious Zionist formulation. It implies
the identification of an equation where on one side, you find the problems of
the Middle East, and on the other the solutions. For example, the hypothesis
intentionally ignores the true problems of the Middle East, thus, the Israeli
occupation of Arab lands, the Palestinian issue, the Iraqi issue, and the
massive US military presence in the Gulf have become only a minor traffic
violation on the hyper-imperialist highway! As for the solution, democracy is
an evolutionary internal process and not an imposed importation; it took
Britain’s democracy eleven centuries to be where it is now! Moreover, democracy
in any form, or its absence is not the problem of the Middle East. Israel’s
policies, US interference, its imperialistic hegemony, and its occupation of
Arab lands are the problem. Finally, let us address the vision. Even if the US
were to evangelize the Middle East (sign of peacefulness and beatitude according
to Christian fundamentalists!), democratize it, and forge it in her image, the
Palestinians will still want their land back, the Iraqis will want the
Americans to end their occupation of Iraq, and all people of the Arabic
Peninsula will want American forces to leave.
Regardless
of the utter banality of this Zionist model as a motive for US military
intervention, it, nevertheless, hides under its thin epidermis the grandiose
hyper-imperialist project of re-conquering the Middle East, but this time,
Americans and Israelis are replacing European powers. It is self-evident that
the US conquest of Iraq is a revolution by itself. Any power that controls the
Iraqi oil reserves will surely have a tight grip and total control over world
economies. Seen under this light, the US conquest of Iraq will allow it to
strangle, at will, the European Union and the Euro, China, Russia, and
Japan.
Conclusion:
Among all the motives I discussed, motive number 6 has all the ingredients to
be the one and only irrefutable motive of the attack against Iraq. Nine Eleven, the charade of WMD, Israel’s
agenda, and US world hegemony are all multiple faces of one mega-project aimed
at the control of the Middle East territorial resources by direct military
interventions. All other motives of the war against Iraq are only imperialistic
condiments meant to justify the war project. At this point, what is
hyper-imperialism?
Next in part 3: The
hyper-imperialist paradigm/discussion
B. J. Sabri is an Iraqi-American peace-activist. Email: bjsabri@yahoo.com
Note
[2] Source, www.fas.org/asmp/fast_facts.htm]