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Nothing
About Us Without Us:
Human
Rights and Disability
by
Marta Russell
Citizenship
can be seen as the realization of certain rights. When states can be held
responsible for the treatment of their citizens, much can be gained. The United
Nations has a role in setting global standards but so do disabled persons
ourselves.
In
June, a milestone effort culminated in New York at "The 2nd Ad Hoc
Committee Meeting of the United Nations on a Comprehensive And Integral
International Convention to Promote and Protect the Rights and Dignity of
Persons with Disabilities" (June 16-27).
Delegates
from approximately 100 nations and 42 nongovernmental organizations gathered
for two weeks to decide whether the UN would proceed to draft a
disability-thematic human rights treaty.
Physical,
social, political, economic, and cultural barriers keep millions of disabled
children and adults throughout the world excluded from fundamental citizenship.
They often fall short of attaining or enjoying any human rights and remain
absent from social and productive activities. Disabled persons face barriers to
accessible education, employment, health care, transportation, public
facilities and housing. Participation in social and political groups is limited
or denied them. They are cut off from
affectionate relationships and even denied the right to move. Possibilities
that allow most persons to develop a desired style of life are out of reach due
to the construction of societies in which they live.
All
too often it remains the case that impairments are viewed as abnormalities and
people who have them become devalued objects of the medical and social services
establishment. Traditionally human rights have been applied to disabled persons
as objects of rehabilitation and prevention, not as subjects considered fully
human with comprehensive rights of citizenship.
All
too often the medical model persists and ignorance of the social model of
disablement dominates. The social model emphasizes that institutions -- the
political, economic, social, cultural organization of society -- impose
"disability" upon those who have impairments by segregating and
excluding them from the rights others enjoy.
To
rectify this situation, in the 1980s disabled people got together
internationally and started demanding the recognition of their rights. It was
then, that the slogan "Nothing About Us Without Us" became the
rallying call to build the political power to do the work necessary to change
world institutions to include us as full human beings - to undo disablist
societies.
International
organizations of disabled persons formed to press forward disability rights
agendas including the World Federation of the Deaf, the World Blind Union, the
World Federation of Deaf Blind, Disabled Peoples' International, Inclusion
International, to name a few. The goal - a barrier free society for over 600
million disabled persons worldwide.
.
None
of the equality clauses in any of the three United Nations human rights
documents -- the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the
International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights of 1966, and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 --
mention disabled persons as a protected class with equal rights. When
disability is raised it is only brought up in the context of social security
and preventive health policies.
Worse,
the World Bank uses a measure of the quality of life, Disability Adjusted Life
Years, or DALYs, in which utilitarian concepts were adopted as a foundation for
"cost-benefit" calculations. In DALY terms, impairment is a negative
factor that detracts from the desired "healthy" life. It never seems
to occur to the bean counters that World Bank policies might be creating the
negative quality of life for people with impairments by perpetuating disabling
environments.
Yet
this is exactly what has happened to the 80% of the 600 million disabled
persons who live in "developing" nations. As market rationales and
restructuring created more poverty and greater inequality, the isolating and
degrading circumstances under which disabled persons live has grown worse.
In
the 1970s the UN explicitly classified disabled persons as subjects of human
rights in the Declaration on the Rights of Mentally Retarded Persons (1971) and
the Declaration on the Rights of Disabled Persons (1975). They were, however,
still regarded as persons with medical problems requiring protection under the
old social welfare state model, not in need of instruments that would assure
access to the larger society, politically, socially, economically or
culturally.
The
General Assembly passed a number of resolutions on disablement that led to the
1982 World Program of Action Concerning Disabled Persons that became the
primary document for the United Nations Decade of Disabled Persons 1982-93.
There
was still no consensus for a disability-thematic legally binding treaty as had
been granted women, children and migrant workers.
A
half measure was adopted in 1993, "The Standard Rules on Equality of
Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities." These rules have the
implicit moral and political commitment of each state to adopt measures to
assure equality of opportunities. There is a Special Rapporteur to monitor
abuse, but the rules are not legally binding.
Data
from Disability Awareness in Action shows that thirteen percent of over two
million human rights abuses of disabled individuals result in death yet there
is just one Rapporteur for the entire world!
On
the second Tuesday of the Ad Hoc Committee session in New York, Committee Chair
Luis Gallegos of Ecuador concluded that consensus was present amongst delegates
to draft a treaty on human rights and disability. The work would move forward.
The
next phase defined how the process should be structured --specifically the
development of a Working Group to prepare a draft text for a treaty on human
rights and disability. Disabled peoples organizations (DPOs) were holding out
for twelve seats.
The
member states approved the Working Group composition of twenty-seven member
states and twelve representatives of DPOs to be selected among ourselves with
transparency and taking into account geographical representation and diversity.
All
around this was a historical and precedent setting Ad Hoc Committee meeting. We
not only won a convention but we got seats at the table of power. This moves us
a giant step closer to an international treaty though a struggle is certain in
determining the details of tailoring a strong human rights treaty to
disability.
DPOs
would agree that a treaty should adopt a model that refers to all categories of
human rights - civil, political, economic, social, and cultural that have been
guaranteed to all people under international law but are not being fulfilled
for disabled people.
There
are 28 articles in the existing Declaration of Human Rights. Below are some
rights DPOs are likely to put forth in a treaty:
*
to be free from multiple forms of discrimination;
*
to be free from torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment or
punishment, including violent and harmful medical practices such as caging
developmentally disabled persons or chaining "mentally ill" persons
to walls, beds, or involuntary psychiatric practices;
*
to personal integrity, freedom from degrading, dehumanizing treatment such as
involuntary institutionalization or abuse by caregivers;
*
to equal employment, as opposed to lack of access to jobs and/or workplace
harassment or exploitative labor or unequal wages;
*
to an education, including the right of deaf, blind and deaf blind people to
education in their native languages of sign and Braille;
*
to be free from forced sterilization;
*
to bodily and psychic integrity, including autonomy in decision-making;
*
to equal access to the justice system such as sign language interpreters
in the courts and accessible
courtrooms;
*
to family, including marriage;
*
to life, as opposed to being chained to a public square and starved to death;
*
to liberty and the security of the person;
*
to health care;
*
to assistive technology;
*
to an adequate standard of living;
*
to political participation, the right to vote.
The
treaty must take measures to eliminate discrimination against disabled persons.
It
must also include proactive measures to equalize opportunities and to guarantee
accessible societies. Effective equality cannot be won by litigation alone. The
United States model that ignores the economic system and power of entrenched
interests to dominate government institutions has proved this.
Proactive
measures are necessary such as the requirement to review existing member state
laws and policies. Economies embedded with macroeconomic and microeconomic
structures that keep disabled persons from work force participation must be
confronted. Values must be readjusted so that exploitation of people's bodies
is not the moving force of society.
Disabled
persons who may ordinarily find the court system costly and inaccessible need
alternatives. The treaty must also recognize the current limitations of Member
States' justice systems and use Human Rights Commissions to play the role of
resolving disputes alongside the conventional courts. Disability specific human
rights monitoring bodies (preferably DPOs) will be necessary to achieve
compliance.
Disabled
peoples movements have much to add to the civilizing movements of the last
three decades -- the Civil Rights Movement, the women's movement and the gay
and lesbian movement. "Defect,
Deformity, and Disfigurement" is an 18th century creation, it is not
civilized, it is not even correct, and it is time to overturn it. Nothing short
of a re -imaging and reconstruction of our social and economic institutions
will do. This must be the century disabled people are accorded dignity through
human rights.
Marta
Russell is the author of Beyond Ramps: Disability at
the End of the Social Contract and can be reached at ap888@lafn.org