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Power
Outage Traced To Dim Bulb In White House:
The
Tale Of The Brits Who Swiped 800 Jobs From New York, Carted Off $90 Million,
Then Tonight, Turned Off Our Lights
by
Greg Palast
August
16, 2003
I
can tell you all about the ne're-do-wells that put out our lights tonight. I
came up against these characters -- the Niagara Mohawk Power Company -- some
years back. You see, before I was a journalist, I worked for a living, as an
investigator of corporate racketeers. In the 1980s, "NiMo" built a
nuclear plant, Nine Mile Point, a brutally costly piece of hot junk for which
NiMo and its partner companies charged billions to New York State's electricity
ratepayers.
To
pull off this grand theft by kilowatt, the NiMo-led consortium fabricated cost
and schedule reports, then performed a Harry Potter job on the account books.
In 1988, I showed a jury a memo from an executive from one partner, Long Island
Lighting, giving a lesson to a NiMo honcho on how to lie to government
regulators. The jury ordered LILCO to pay $4.3 billion and, ultimately, put
them out of business.
And
that's why, if you're in the Northeast, you're reading this by candlelight
tonight. Here's what happened. After LILCO was hammered by the law, after
government regulators slammed Niagara Mohawk and dozens of other book-cooking,
document-doctoring utility companies all over America with fines and penalties
totaling in the tens of billions of dollars, the industry leaders got together
to swear never to break the regulations again. Their plan was not to follow the
rules, but to ELIMINATE the rules. They called it "deregulation."
It
was like a committee of bank robbers figuring out how to make safecracking
legal. But they dare not launch the scheme in the USA. Rather, in 1990, one
devious little bunch of operators out of Texas, Houston Natural Gas, operating
under the alias "Enron," talked an over-the-edge free-market fanatic,
Britain's Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, into licensing the first completely
deregulated power plant in the hemisphere.
And
so began an economic disease called "regulatory reform" that spread
faster than SARS. Notably, Enron rewarded Thatcher's Energy Minister, one Lord
Wakeham, with a bushel of dollar bills for 'consulting' services and a seat on
Enron's board of directors. The English experiment proved the viability of
Enron's new industrial formula: that the enthusiasm of politicians for
deregulation was in direct proportion to the payola provided by power companies.
The
power elite first moved on England because they knew Americans wouldn't swallow
the deregulation snake oil easily. The USA had gotten used to cheap power
available at the flick of switch. This was the legacy of Franklin Roosevelt
who, in 1933, caged the man he thought to be the last of the power pirates,
Samuel Insull. Wall Street wheeler-dealer Insull creator of the Power Trust,
and six decades before Ken Lay, faked account books and ripped off consumers.
To frustrate Insull and his ilk, FDR gave us the Federal Power Commission and
the Public Utilities Holding Company Act which told electricity companies where
to stand and salute. Detailed regulations limited charges to real expenditures
plus a government-set profit. The laws banned "power markets" and
required companies to keep the lights on under threat of arrest -- no blackout
blackmail to hike rates.
Of
particular significance as I write here in the dark, regulators told utilities
exactly how much they had to spend to insure the system stayed in repair and
the lights stayed on. Bureaucrats crawled along the wire and, like me, crawled
through the account books, to make sure the power execs spent customers' money
on parts and labor. If they didn't, we'd whack'm over the head with our thick
rule books. Did we get in the way of these businessmen's entrepreneurial
spirit? Damn right we did.
Most
important, FDR banned political contributions from utility companies -- no
'soft' money, no 'hard' money, no money PERIOD.
But
then came George the First. In 1992, just prior to his departure from the White
House, President Bush Senior gave the power industry one long
deep-through-the-teeth kiss good-bye: federal deregulation of electricity. It
was a legacy he wanted to leave for his son, the gratitude of power companies
which ponied up $16 million for the Republican campaign of 2000, seven times
the sum they gave Democrats.
But
Poppy Bush's gift of deregulating of wholesale prices set by the feds only got
the power pirates halfway to the plunder of Joe Ratepayer. For the big payday
they needed deregulation at the state level. There were only two states,
California and Texas, big enough and Republican enough to put the electricity
market con into operation.
California
fell first. The power companies spent $39 million to defeat a 1998 referendum
pushed by Ralph Nadar which would have blocked the de-reg scam. Another $37
million was spent on lobbying and lubricating the campaign coffers of
legislators to write a lie into law: in the deregulation act's preamble, the
Legislature promised that deregulation would reduce electricity bills by 20%.
In fact, when San Diegans in the first California city to go
"lawless" looked at their bills, the 20% savings became a 300% jump
in surcharges.
Enron
circled California and licked its lips. As the number one life-time contributor
to the George W. Bush campaign, it was confident about the future. With just a
half dozen other companies it controlled at times 100% of the available power
capacity needed to keep the Golden State lit. Their motto, "your money or
your lights." Enron and its comrades played the system like a broken ATM
machine, yanking out the bills. For example, in the shamelessly fixed
"auctions" for electricity held by the state, Enron bid, in one
instance, to supply 500 megawatts of electricity over a 15 megawatt line.
That's like pouring a gallon of gasoline into a thimble -- the lines would burn
up if they attempted it. Faced with blackout because of Enron's destructive
bid, the state was willing to pay anything to keep the lights on.
And
the state did. According to Dr. Anjali Sheffrin, economist with the California
state Independent System Operator which directed power movements, between May
and November 2000, three power giants physically or "economically"
withheld power from the state and concocted enough false bids to cost the
California customers over $6.2 billion in excess charges.
It
took until December 20, 2000, with the lights going out on the Golden Gate, for
President Bill Clinton, once a deregulation booster, to find his lost
Democratic soul and impose price caps in California and ban Enron from the
market.
But
the light-bulb buccaneers didn't have to wait long to put their hooks back into
the treasure chest. Within seventy-two hours of moving into the White House,
while he was still sweeping out the inaugural champagne bottles, George Bush
the Second reversed Clinton's executive order and put the power pirates back in
business in California. Enron, Reliant (aka Houston Industries), TXU (aka Texas
Utilities) and the others who had economically snipped California's wires knew
they could count on Dubya, who as governor of the Lone Star state cut them the
richest deregulation deal in America.
Meanwhile,
the deregulation bug made it to New York where Republican Governor George
Pataki and his industry-picked utility commissioners ripped the lid off
electric bills and relieved my old friends at Niagara Mohawk of the expensive
obligation to properly fund the maintenance of the grid system.
And
the Pataki-Bush Axis of Weasels permitted something that must have former New
York governor Roosevelt spinning in his wheelchair in Heaven: They allowed a
foreign company, the notoriously incompetent National Grid of England, to buy
up NiMo, get rid of 800 workers and pocket most of their wages - producing a
bonus for NiMo stockholders approaching $90 million.
Is
tonight's black-out a surprise? Heck, no, not to us in the field who've watched
Bush's buddies flick the switches across the globe. In Brazil, Houston
Industries seized ownership of Rio de Janeiro's electric company. The Texans
(aided by their French partners) fired workers, raised prices, cut maintenance
expenditures and, CLICK! the juice went out so often the locals now call it,
"Rio Dark."
So
too the free-market cowboys of Niagara Mohawk raised prices, slashed staff, cut
maintenance and CLICK! -- New York joins Brazil in the Dark Ages.
Californians
have found the solution to the deregulation disaster: re-call the only governor
in the nation with the cojones to stand up to the electricity price fixers. And
unlike Arnold Schwarzenegger, Gov. Gray Davis stood alone against the bad guys
without using a body double. Davis called Reliant Corp of Houston a pack of
"pirates" --and now he'll walk the plank for daring to stand up to
the Texas marauders.
So
where's the President? Just before he landed on the deck of the Abe Lincoln,
the White House was so concerned about our brave troops facing the foe that
they used the cover of war for a new push in Congress for yet more electricity
deregulation. This has a certain logic: there's no sense defeating Iraq if a
hostile regime remains in California.
Sitting
in the dark, as my laptop battery runs low, I don't know if the truth about
deregulation will ever see the light --until we change the dim bulb in the
White House.
Greg Palast is author of the NY Times
bestseller The Best Democracy Money Can Buy (Penguin USA 2003) and the
worstseller, Democracy and Regulation, a guide to electricity
deregulation published by the United Nations (2003, written with T. MacGregor
and J. Oppenheim). See Greg Palast's award-winning reports for BBC Television
and the Guardian papers of Britain at www.GregPalast.com.
Contact Palast at his New York office: media@gregpalast.com. This article first
appeared in ZNET (www.zmag.org/weluser.htm)