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by
Dennis J. Kucinich
August
23 ,2003
With
an estimated 50 million Americans and Canadians left without power and in some
cases water, common sense requires us to reflect on the absurdity of
deregulation of public utilities. The right of utility franchise is vested in
the people. We give utilities permission to operate, and enable them to set up
a profit making business in exchange for the promise of affordable and reliable
service.
In
1992, investor owned utilities pushed the Democratic House to pass HR776 which
granted electric utilities broad powers. The bill was supposed to restructure
the electric utility industry to spur competition.
Utilities
used deregulation to affect a series of mergers limiting competition. In order
to accelerate profits, cost cutting ensued, involving the layoff of thousands
of utility company employees, including some who where responsible for
maintenance of generation, transmission, and distribution systems. A number of
investor-owned utilities stopped investing in the maintenance and repair of
their own equipment, and, instead, cut costs to enhance the value of their
stock rather than spending money to enhance the value of their service.
A
prime case in point is FirstEnergy Corp, late of Ohio. FirstEnergy formed
through a merger of utility companies which owned nuclear power plants which
often were neither used nor useful, and as a result incurred huge debt.
FirstEnergy's predecessor, The Cleveland Electric Illuminating Company (CEI) in
the 1950s and 60s was a high performing blue chip stock until they invested in
nuclear power.
FirstEnergy
has tried without success to keep online a very troublesome nuclear power
facility at Port Clinton, Ohio, the Davis-Besse plant. Davis-Besse is currently
shut down and has been for some time. FirstEnergy and federal regulators failed
to properly monitor the operations of the plant, resulting in conditions where
the plant's reactor vessel was threatened with a breach when boric acid ate
into the head of the reactor.
Millions
of people in the Midwest and the water supply of our entire Great Lakes region
were at risk because of First Energy's negligence, improper maintenance, and
actual cover-up of the degradation of the reactor. Furthermore, federal
regulators determined that notwithstanding the peril which was presented to one
of the largest populated areas of the United States, FirstEnergy's financial
condition necessitated the continued operation of the flawed reactor. The
regulators put profit ahead of public interest.
If
there was ever an example of an unholy alliance between government and
industry, this is it. If there was ever an example of the failure of necessary
regulation by the government of an investor-owned utility, it is found in the
government's failure to regulate FirstEnergy. Now, according to published
reports, the blackout which affected an estimated 50 million people may have
begun in the FirstEnergy system.
I've
been familiar with First Energy and the challenge of utility monopolies for
over 30 years. Early in my career, in the 1970s, I watched FirstEnergy's
predecessor, CEI, as it was hard at work trying to undermine the ability of the
City of Cleveland to operate its own municipal electric system. CEI conducted a
tireless crusade to attempt to put the city's publicly owned system, Muny
Light, out of business. Muny Light competed against CEI in a third of the city
and provided municipal power customers with savings on their electric bill of
20-30 percent. It also provided cheaper electricity for 76 city facilities and
thousands of Cleveland street lights, saving taxpayers millions of dollars each
year.
An
antitrust review revealed that CEI had committed numerous violations of federal
antitrust law in its attempt to put Muny Light out of business. CEI worked
behind the scenes to block Muny Light from purchasing power from other power
companies. CEI became the only power company Muny Light could buy from. At that
point, CEI sharply increased and sometimes tripled the cost of purchase power
to Muny Light. And, as a result, Muny Light began to lose money. CEI used Muny
Light's weakened operational and financial condition (which they created) as
evidence of the public system's lack of viability and as proof that the only
way the people of Cleveland could have reliable power was for the city to sell
its electric system to CEI.
Throughout
this period, the Cleveland media, which received substantial advertising
revenues from CEI, crusaded against the city's ownership of a municipal
electric system. In 1976, after years of work to undermine Muny Light, CEI
finally succeeded in getting the mayor and the council of Cleveland to agree to
sell Muny Light, giving CEI a monopoly on electric power in the Cleveland area
and enabling CEI to greatly expand its rate base to get more revenue to pay for
its rapidly mounting expenses associated with building nuclear power plants.
At
that time, I was clerk of the Cleveland Municipal Court, a citywide elected
office. I organized a civic campaign to save Muny Light. People gathered
signatures in freezing rain to block the sale. I ran for mayor of Cleveland on
a promise that if elected, my first act would be to cancel the sale of Muny
Light. I won the election. I cancelled the sale.
The
Muny Light issue came to a head on December 15, 1978, when Ohio's largest bank,
Cleveland Trust, the 33rd largest bank in America at that time, told me that
they would not renew the city's credit on 15 million dollars worth of loans
taken out by the previous administration unless I would agree to sell
Cleveland's municipally owned utility to CEI. On that day, by that time, the
sale of Muny Light was being promoted by both Cleveland newspapers, virtually
all of the radio and TV stations in town, the entire business community, all
the banks, both political parties, and several unions, as well as a majority of
the Cleveland City Council. All I had to do was to sign my name to legislation
and the system would have sold and the city credit "protected." The
chairman of Cleveland Trust even offered 50 million dollars of new credit if I
would agree to sell Muny Light.
Where
I come from it matters how much people pay for electricity. I grew up in the
inner city of Cleveland, the oldest of 7 children. My parents never owned a
home, they lived in 21 different places by the time I was 17, including a
couple of cars. I remember when there were 5 children and my parents living in
a 3 room upstairs apartment on Cleveland's east side. My parents would
sometimes sit in the kitchen at one of those old white enamel top tables,
which, when the surface was chipped, was black underneath. When they counted their
pennies, I could hear them clicking on the enamel top table. Click, Click,
Click.
When
I was in the board room with the Chairman of Cleveland Trust Bank, I was
thinking about my parents counting their pennies and I could hear those pennies
hitting the enamel top table. So, I said no to the sale of Muny Light to CEI.
At Midnight, Cleveland Trust put the City of Cleveland into default.
Later,
it was revealed, that Cleveland Trust and CEI had four interlocking directors.
Cleveland Trust was CEI's bank. Together with another bank, Cleveland Trust
owned a substantial share of CEI stock and had numerous other mutual interests.
Public power was saved in Cleveland. I lost the election in 1979 with default
as the major issue. Cleveland Trust changed it name to AmeriTrust. The new
mayor changed the name of Muny Light to Cleveland Public Power.
In
1993, the City of Cleveland announced that it was expanding Muny/Cleveland
Public Power. It was the largest expansion of any municipal electric system in
America. I had been long gone from major elected office. In fact, after the
default, most political analysts considered my career over. I had been asked
many times by other politicians why I just didn't make the deal and sell the
light system, especially when my career was on the line. I believe that there
are, in fact, some things more important than the next election.
After
I left City Hall, I couldn't get a job in Cleveland, I almost lost my home, and
my marriage fell apart. I was living in California when a Cleveland reporter
called to tell me that people were saying the expansion could not have happened
without my making a decision to save the system. People in Cleveland began to
say that I was right not to sell Muny Light and they asked me to come back. I
ran for State Senate in 1994 on a slogan "because he was right" with
little rays of yellow light shining behind my name on my campaign signs. I was
one of the few Democrats to unseat a Republican incumbent that year in a state
election.
Two
years later, I was one of the few Democrats to unseat a Republican incumbent to
gain election to Congress. My campaign signs had a light bulb behind my name
with the words "Light up Congress."
Today,
I'm running for President of the United States and I want to light up America,
and a good place to start will be to shed light on a deregulation process that
has abandoned the public interest.
Dennis Kucinich is a US House
Representative from Ohio, and is a Democratic candidate for US President. Visit
his campaign website at: http://www.kucinich.us/