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A
Case for Hizbollah?
by
Ran HaCohen
So
here we go again, it seems. Blood-thirsty Arabs – Lebanese fundamentalists of
the Hizbollah, "the Party of God" – bombed the Israeli town of Shlomi
(10.8), killing a 15-year-old boy and injuring several others. Terrorist attack
on civilians, three years after Israel has withdrawn its very last soldier from
Lebanese soil. Isn't it the ultimate proof for the inherent terrorism of the
Arabs, the decisive evidence that no peace can be made with Muslims? If you
follow the media, it probably is. If you take a closer look at the facts –
well, not quite.
Who's
Afraid of Hizbollah?
Despite
its name, the Hizbollah are definitely no saints. Mother Teresa would not have
been able to drive the Israeli army out of Lebanon after almost 20 years of
ruthless occupation. The Hizbollah has its own agenda and interests, political
and otherwise, and a limited fighting with Israel may well be among them. (But,
as analysts usually forget, Israel and its army have their interests too, and
peace might not be their top priority either.) An independent militia is indeed
something that no sovereign state can tolerate; Israel is right in pointing
that out. This, however, is not Israel's, but Lebanon's problem – a small, weak
country, torn between conflicting religious and ethnic groups (including
300.000 Palestinian refugees), and regularly invaded and terrorised by its
stronger neighbours Israel and Syria. When Israel expresses concern for
Lebanon's sovereignty, one doesn't know whether to weep or laugh. The existence
of Hizbollah is none of Israel's business: It becomes Israel's business only if
it violates the rules of good neighbourliness.
Precisely
this is the aim of Israeli propaganda: to portray the Hizbollah as a terrorist
group that violates the rules of the game. The facts, however, are that the
Hizbollah pretty much follows the rules of good neighbourliness; it is Israel
that breaches them. Since Israel's withdrawal from South Lebanon, Hizbollah has
been concentrating on two kinds of actions: anti-aircraft fire, and a limited
fighting against Israel confined to the Shaba Farms. Let's see what it's all
about.
Since
the Israeli withdrawal, Hizbollah has fired no missiles at Israeli towns,
though it undoubtedly possesses such weapons. The Israeli boy killed this week
was hit by an anti-aircraft bomb that failed to detonate in mid-air and
exploded on the ground. "Collateral damage", if you like.
Hizbollah's
anti-aircraft fire has a clear target: Israeli fighter jets that regularly
enter Lebanon's airspace, flying over the entire country from south to north as
if it were theirs. The intrusion flights started in October 2000, just five
months after the Israeli withdrawal, following Hizbollah's kidnap of three
Israeli soldiers at the Shaba Farms. Last November, based on Lebanese sources,
Israeli journalist Daniel Sobelman reported how up to seven Israeli jets at a
time were flying in the skies of Beirut, drawing smoke-pictures over the
Lebanese capital and repeatedly breaking the sound barrier in what Lebanese
citizens conceived as humiliating and enraging provocations. Hizbollah leader
Nasrallah said the anti-aircraft fire would cease as soon as the Israeli
flights stopped; Israeli army spokesman refused to comment on its operations
(Ha'aretz, 26.11.2002).
Now
who is the aggressor here, who is the terrorist? Sending fighter jets across
the border is the most obvious violation of sovereignty. No country on earth
would tolerate that. Hizbollah's ineffective flak is a totally legitimate and
justified act of self-defence. Israel's accusation that Hizbollah aims its
anti-aircraft fire so that the left-overs fall on Israeli towns – even if true
– is chutzpah incarnate: if you break into my house, don't complain that the
wall I shove you at is rough.
Just
imagine Israel's reaction if a foreign jet had dared enter its airspace.
Actually, why imagine? When a Libyan airliner – no fighter jet, mind you –
entered the country's airspace by mistake in February 1973, the Israeli Air
Force shot it down, killing 106 civilian passengers. Israel claimed that it
simply followed international law. Asked whether it would do it again, PM Golda
Meir replied: "without a doubt".
The
other Hizbollah front is the Shaba Farms, a 14km-long and 2km-wide strip along
the Israeli-Lebanese-Syrian border. The Hizbollah claims that it is occupied
Lebanese soil. Israel denies this, and is supported by the United Nations.
Knockout victory for Israel, then? Not quite. Even Israel concedes the area is
occupied, but it claims to have taken it from Syria, not from Lebanon, and that
it should therefore be negotiated with Syria. Great excuse to keep the fighting
going, isn't it. Syria, for its part, says it has given it to Lebanon. Anyway,
all parties agree that the area is indeed occupied by Israel. Violent resistance
to occupation is considered morally and legally legitimate; it does not matter
who carries it out. (Otherwise, the liberation of the Netherlands in World War
II should have been left exclusively to Dutch forces, etc. – obviously absurd.)
So
if we put aside Hizbollah's problematic position within the Lebanese State,
Israel's northern neighbour is in fact clearly playing by the rules. It is
Israel who is breaking the rules over and over again, both by its occupation of
the Shaba Farms and by violating Lebanon's sovereignty.
The
recent escalation was initiated by an assassination of a Hizbollah leader in
Beirut on August the 1st. Israel was the prime suspect. As PM Sharon said when
asked about assassinations (perfectly reflecting his "integrity"):
"Some of the things we do we'll admit, other things we'll deny…" In
this case, Israel neither admitted nor denied. Typical terrorist conduct, by
the way, precisely like Al-Qaeda's: terror attacks without taking
responsibility.
In
fact, the signs were on the wall well before it started: A leading critical
Israeli expert for the labour market, Dr Linda Efroni, predicted it more than a
month ago. In a television interview regarding the rising protest in Israel
against welfare cuts, she warned that if social unrest did not stop, the government
might initiate an escalation along the Northern border.
Whether
aimed at distracting from social unrest, or (more likely) from police
investigation into criminal offences by Sharon's closest allies including his
own son, or simply expressing the desire of the army, frustrated by a certain
restraint imposed on its actions in the Occupied Territories in the past weeks,
to open a new front in the North – we have not heard the last of this story.
Though the recent round seems to have been contained by international diplomacy
(after all, given the fiasco in Iraq, the US doesn't need another front right
now), it will be used to prepare the hearts for the next escalation, till the
time is ripe for an overall attack on Lebanon and Syria. After all, Israel has
never made secret of its refusal to tolerate the so-called "terrorist
Hizbollah threat" along its Northern border, and that it would sooner or
later have to "deal with it". When official Israel says
"deal", it means war – in this case, as I explained in an earlier column, war against
Syria.
Ran HaCohen teaches in the
Tel-Aviv University's Department of Comparative Literature, and is currently
working on his PhD thesis. He also works as a literary translator (from German,
English and Dutch), and as a literary critic for the Israeli daily Yedioth
Achronoth. HaCohen’s semi-regular “Letter from Israel” column can be
found at AntiWar.com, where this
article first appeared. Posted with author’s permission.