HOME
DV NEWS
SERVICE ARCHIVE SUBMISSIONS/CONTACT ABOUT DV
Trading
With the "Enemy": Halliburton & GE Make Millions Trading With
Iran
by
Democracy Now!
July
21, 2003
Transcript of Democracy
Now! radio program, July 16, 2003.
Guests: Michael Scherer, Washington
correspondent for Mother Jones. His article Sidestepping Sanctions appears in
the July/August issue of Mother Jones. Roger Robinson, CEO and President of
Conflict Securities Advisory Group, Inc. He is the former chairman of the
William Casey Institute and served as the Senior Director of International
Economic Affairs at the National Security Council under President Reagan.
AMY
GOODMAN: As the crackdown continues in Iran on dissidents, on students, on
journalists, Iran has also announced that the discovery of one of the largest
oil fields in the world, has been made there. Some 38 billion barrels of oil
are believed to be in the oil field found in southern Iran making it one of the
most lucrative oil finds in years. Iran says they're looking for foreign
companies to invest in that field. It will be attempting deal even for U.S.
companies that are barred from dealing with Iran. Recent news reports indicate
the subsidiaries of several U.S. companies have been quietly trading with Iran
for years. They include Halliburton, G.E. and Conoco. According to Money
Magazine, in 1997 when Vice President Dick Cheney was Halliburton's C.E.O., the
company paid a $15,000 fine for improperly shipping oil field equipment to
Iran. Cheney also lobbied both as head of Halliburton and as vice president of
the United States, to lift sanctions against Iran and Libya.
According
to a new article in Mother Jones, Halliburton currently has at least two major
projects in Iran. Along the Iraqi border, a subsidiary of Halliburton is
helping to build one of the world’s largest fertilizer plants. Another
subsidiary is providing a $226 million drilling rig to the Iranian National Oil
Company. Meanwhile General Electric is also doing work in Iran. A Canadian
subsidiary has provided Iran with four hydro electric generators to expand a
dam along the Kuran River. An Italian subsidiary of G.E. is supplying pipeline
equipment and gas turbines for Iran's oil industry. This all comes despite the
fact that Iran is one of the seven nations listed by the State Department as a
state sponsor of terror. The other nations are Iraq, Syria, Sudan, Libya, North
Korea and Cuba. Until recently, the dealings of Halliburton and G.E. in
countries like Iran got little attention. But a new financial company has begun
tracking which companies have investments in nations on the state department
list. The company is Conflict Securities Advisory Group. It’s created a massive
database that lists which countries deal with all the countries on the state
department list except Cuba. The group has found that 35 major U.S. companies
that have operations in these countries. Overall some 375 publicly traded
companies around the world are operating in these countries. Let's start with
MICHAEL SHERER, Washington correspondent for Mother Jones. His article is
called Side Stepping Sanctions. Welcome to Democracy Now! Michael.
MICHAEL
SHERER: Thanks for having me.
AMY
GOODMAN: Talk about these companies in Iran.
MICHAEL
SHERER: Well, the way they do it is, they’re actually not technically breaking
the law. They're clearly going against congressional intent. Both Iran and Libya
have strict sanctions, unilateral American sanctions against them, that bar any
U.S. company or any U.S. citizen from doing any business in these countries.
With very few agricultural exceptions here and there.
What
companies like Halliburton and General Electric—the examples you mentioned at
the beginning—do, is they use foreign subsidiaries that are staffed with
foreign nationals.
And
even though the profits and ownership ends up being traced back to the American
parent company and the American shareholders, they're able to get around the
law because they claim that these companies working in Italy, in the Cayman
islands, working in other countries in Europe are not American companies and
therefore not beholden to U.S. law.
AMY
GOODMAN: So, these companies, name them, how they're doing it.
MICHAEL
SHERER: Well, you mentioned General Electric, they have a subsidiary called
G.E. Hydro in Canada. They also have a subsidiary in Italy called Nuevo
Pignone, that they use to provide pipeline compressors and gas turbines to
Iran's oil industry. Halliburton has a couple -- they have dozens of
subsidiaries around the country. Cayman subsidiaries of Halliburton has been
operating in Iran. They also have business in Iran through a Swedish subsidiary
that has been working there. It's a trick that has been in place for decades.
What is different is that in the past, past presidents including Ronald Reagan
and even President Clinton in the mid 1990's, have put pressure on Americans
companies that are doing this, to pull out anyway. Reagan was successful in the
1980's when Libya first had sanctions put in place against it, to put pressure
on Conoco and Marathon, two oil companies, to leave Libya even though they were
operating through foreign subsidiaries. Then again in 1995, Clinton put
pressure on Conoco to get out of an oil deal with Iran that had been arranged
through a European subsidiary.
The
current Bush administration right now, even though there's clear rhetoric
about, you're either with us or against us--and there’s clearly heightened
security about these countries--has not yet put the same type of pressure. One
of the possible reasons is that within the administration, there are people who
have been on the record for a number of years as being against these types of
unilateral sanctions, including the vice president, Dick Cheney, because they
hurt U.S. business. So there's a tension within the White House and within the
conservative world between the national security interests of the country and
the business interests.
AMY
GOODMAN: Just to get something straight, MICHAEL SCHERER. Cheney as vice
president of the United States, former C.E.O. of Halliburton is still getting
money from Halliburton, is that right?
MICHAEL
SHERER: Yeah. I think it's through a pension payment, that's right. And also he
clearly cashed out when he left the company with quite a bit of money.
AMY
GOODMAN: I wanted to turn for a minute to ROGER ROBINSON, C.E.O. and president
of Conflict Securities Advisory Group. He is former chair of the William Casey
Institute--that is the former Director of Central Intelligence under Reagan,
William Casey--and served as the senior director of International Economic
Affairs under President Reagan. Welcome to Democracy Now!
ROGER
ROBINSON: Thank you very much.
AMY
GOODMAN: Can you talk about these companies and how you're tracking these
companies in Iran? Would you agree with the assessment that it's legal?
ROGER
ROBINSON: Well, we developed, as was mentioned, a database with our partner company
Investor Responsibility Research Center, that identifies and profiles about 400
publicly traded companies worldwide, that have business activities in the six
State Department designated terrorist sponsoring states you mentioned. All of
them except Cuba. As well as any publicly traded companies that have ever been
associated or documented to be associated with the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction, or ballistic missiles. So we called this general new risk
category in the markets global security risk. And we're finding that
institutional investors, pension systems, mutual funds, others, are
increasingly recognizing that these risks are valid and are asymmetric in
nature that can affect share value and corporate reputation. We are an
impartial information provider. This is the first risk assessment tool of its
kind dealing with global security risk. And in the case of Iran, we found that
there are over 200 publicly traded companies doing business in that country at
the present time. Approximately 58 of which are doing business in the energy
sector, as you mentioned, which is attractive to many foreign oil companies
including our own. And as many as 41 of those may be in violation
of--technically at least--of U.S. law in the form of the Iran/Libyan sanctions
act.
AMY
GOODMAN: Can you talk about the actions of the New York City controller as well
as the Pennsylvania State Assembly, to limit investments in companies that
invest in countries like Iran?
ROGER
ROBINSON: Yes. New York city has been a model in trying to track these types of
risks. They are -- they have gone forward with shareholder resolutions as was
mentioned by Michael, directed toward General Electric, Halliburton and
Conoco-Phillips in terms of the actions or activities of their subsidiaries in
Iran and in the case of Conoco, both Iran and Syria. The concern they had was
not so much that these companies were engaged in illegal activity, but that
they might be skirting the spirit, if not the letter of U.S. law and that this
could -- these activities in such higher risk countries could pose significant
risks to share values and corporate reputations that have heretofore been
unaccounted for. The New York City firefighters and police pension funds are
taking the lead on this. We're pleased to say that we’ve have been able to make
use of our global security risk monitor online service in trying to identify
companies in their portfolios that have these kind of higher risk business
involvements. And I believe that you're going to see more activity out of New
York City this fall.
AMY
GOODMAN: ROGER ROBINSON, what do you think would happen if U.S. and other
multi-national corporations were forced to pull out of Iran?
ROGER
ROBINSON: Well, it's hard for us in an impartial mode that we're in, to make
public policy judgments. It is to say that obviously Iran is very dependent--as
are the other terrorist sponsoring states--on the infrastructure support, and
financing and business activity support, of publicly traded firms that are held
by virtually all Americans in the market. These are the largest companies in
the world. They're providing multi-billion dollar revenue flows to the Iranian
government. Some have suggested that this helps them with predations like
weapons of mass destruction programs and sponsorship of terrorism itself. But
the point here is that if U.S. sanctions were even to be tightened under the
Iran/Libyan sanctions format, these companies could be at significant risk from
an investor perspective, and U.S. investors in general should be asking their
mutual funds and pension systems, can they identify those companies that are
doing businesses in these countries like Iran and if so, what risk mitigation
strategies are they pursuing.
AMY
GOODMAN: MICHAEL SCHERER, you write Hewlett-Packard, Kodak, Proctor &
Gamble, are all shipping their products to Dubai where third parties are known
to re-export goods to Iran.
MICHAEL
SCHERER: It's a separate -- it's a separate process where by manufacturers of
consumer goods, a number of them American companies, will ship their products
to resellers in a third country then those resellers will buy them and reship
them across the sea to Iran. Technically it's illegal to sell anything to a
third party knowing that these goods will end up in a country that is
sanctioned by the U.S. government. But there is a veil of ignorance that is
claimed by a lot of these companies. So you have a huge portion of Dubai's
export market going to Iran and a significant portion of that is not goods that
are being created in Dubai. They're goods that are being imported to Dubai. So
it’s another way that these sanctions are skirted.
AMY
GOODMAN: It's interesting on the one hand you have President Bush saying Iran
is part of the axis of evil. On the other hand you have vice-president Cheney
handsomely profiting, his former company certainly profiting from doing
business in Iran. And then I'm wondering if you can comment on that and then
talk--expand it a little to what Halliburton is doing in the rest of the world.
Mother Jones has a very interesting two-page spread in the July-August issue by
you, The World According to Halliburton, a map of the world with Halliburton
investments overlaid on it.
MICHAEL
SCHERER: Well, like I said before I think there is a split, an ideological
split within the administration that hasn't fully been fleshed out. There's a
difference between the president's public rhetoric about the dangers that these
states pose to the U.S., and the White House's conduct in terms of dealing with
these countries that are -- these American companies who are skirting
sanctions. I spoke with a sanctions expert who said there's a power the U.S. is
choosing not to use for some reason. On the second part of your question about
Halliburton’s work around the world. Halliburton is the major supplier of
logistical support for the U.S. military. As a result, the military has
expanded greatly around the world since September 11th, and as a result
Halliburton has expanded with them. What I try to do in the map you mentioned
is to figure out exactly what business Halliburton has gotten from
defense-related government contracts since September 11th. The number I came up
with, and this is dated already because these contracts continue to expand, was
at least 2.2 billion dollars they have gotten as a result of defense related
business since September 11th.
They
have gone into countries like Djibouti, Jordan and Turkey, Afghanistan
obviously, the Republic of Georgia, and then they have continuing contracts in
Bosnia and Kosovo and a number of other countries. Mostly maintaining U.S.
military installations, doing laundry for troops, providing food for troops.
But also planning logistical deployments in Iraq. They're working on the oil
fields. They also were given task orders to build enemy prisoner of war camps
for Iraqi prisoners of war. They’ve done foreign military sales work in the
Republic of Georgia and military training there. So there's a wide range of
different activities they're doing on behalf of the U.S. government and as the
military expands overseas, that business expands as well.
AMY
GOODMAN: You are doing a weekly update of how much money Halliburton is making
off Iraq. What's the latest?
MICHAEL
SCHERER: Well, it isn't a weekly update. We did update it two weeks ago when we
put it online. And we put online basically a searchable database. You can click
on different parts of this map and you can see each of the individual task
orders at Motherjones.com. But the
oil service contract that the Army Corps of Engineers gave Halliburton earlier,
it was a controversial contract because it was awarded without a competitive
bid, because the U.S. military said Halliburton was the company that had done
the planning on this. And they were in the best position to do this work.
Originally it was—the amount awarded under this contract which is -- can expand
up to $7 billion and functions so that as the U.S. government has work it needs
to do, the contract automatically expands. There's to fixed price for what the
tasks are. It was something like 30 million early this spring. Last time I
checked it was well over 200 million. Just this week, Halliburton was awarded
another contract for what initial figure is $200 million, but it’s sure to
expand, to do base support for the U.S. troops that are based in Iraq.
AMY
GOODMAN: MICHAEL SCHERER thanks for joining us. Washington correspondent for
Mother Jones magazine as well as ROGER ROBINSON, C.E.O. and president of the
Conflict Securities Advisory Group. Former chair of the Williams Casey
institute, former Reagan advisor.
.
Democracy Now! is an
investigative news radio journal that’s a vitally important antidote to the
lies and deceptions of state/corporate media. The program is hosted by Amy
Goodman and Juan Gonzalez. To find out what radio stations near you air
Democracy Now!, or to listen to the program on-line, visit: www.democracynow.org