HOME
DV NEWS
SERVICE ARCHIVE SUBMISSIONS/CONTACT ABOUT DV
by
Bill Berkowitz
August
16, 2003
In
late-May, while the Indonesian government was ramping-up its military operation
in Aceh and with the stench of America's corporate scandals still lingering,
Father Robert Sirico stopped off in Dallas, Texas, to deliver a brief pep talk
to the corporate leaders and shareholders of ExxonMobil.
Father
Sirico, the president of the Grand Rapids, Michigan-based Acton Institute for
the Study of Religion and Liberty, brought along the Reverend Jerry Zandstra,
the director of the Institute's Center for Entrepreneurial Stewardship. Their
mission: Speak against human rights and environmental resolutions brought to
the floor by a coalition of religious and environmental activists.
Father
Sirico told ExxonMobil stakeholders to disregard the "religious activism"
directed against the company because "it stems from the desire of certain
religious activists to force what is clearly a left-wing economic and political
agenda on ExxonMobil specifically and society in general."
The
agenda of the human rights advocates and religious and environmental activists
"is based upon specious economic arguments, many of which have been duly
discarded and repudiated by the experience of history." And, these
activists are putting "human lives at grave risk in the name of political
ideology with a mere moral gloss."
Pursue
"your duty" to "act upon the reality of consumer demand,
obligation to your shareholders, and the needs of your thousands and thousands
of employees," Father Sirico said.
The
Rev. Zandstra chimed in by claiming that the presence of so many religious
activists was less about ExxonMobil human rights violations and more about
"accountability and control." Religious activists want to "set
the ethical tone for ExxonMobil because [they believe] you cannot do it for
yourselves."
Religious
activists believe that "our nation (sic) business leaders must be
soulless, heartless creatures who, if left to their own devices would merely
rape and pillage," the Rev. Zandstra said. He finished by complimenting
the company on its "excellent" record "in human rights" and
its "excellent" record in the environment.
In
a late-June telephone interview, University of California, Berkeley, retired
Professor Peter Dale Scott told me that ExxonMobil's human rights record
"is no better or worse than most other oil companies. However, they
aggravate human rights situations because attacks on rebel movements inevitably
turn into a defense of oil company facilities. The companies' presence then
becomes an integral part of the conflict and they [the companies] are closely
identified with the regime."
Robert
Jereski, former Executive Director of the International Forum for Aceh,
reported in June 2001 that "that ExxonMobil's wholly owned subsidiary, Mobil
Oil Indonesia (MOI), provided crucial logistic support to the army," and
that its facilities "were used [by the military] for interrogating and
torturing local people, that the company's excavators were used to dig mass
graves for military victims in the Sentang and Tengkorak hills, and that its
roads were used to bring victims to the mass graves."
ExxonMobil's
natural gas facility in Aceh Province -- the site of the current military
assault by the Indonesian government against the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) --
produced nearly a quarter of Mobil's earnings worldwide in the early 1990s, the
Wall Street Journal has reported.
"The
[Indonesian] army provided security for Exxon-Mobil installations, and human
rights activists have charged that the company's facilities were used by the
army for rape, torture and murder. The corporation is being sued in the United
States by relatives of victims," Prof. Scott, the author of "Drugs
Oil and War" (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, March 2003), wrote in an
August, 2001 Pacific News Service article.
(In
mid-June of this year, Unocal Corp. asked an 11-judge panel of the U.S. Court
of Appeals in San Francisco to dismiss a suit similar to the one brought
against ExxonMobil. In this case, Unocal is being sued by Burmese villagers
"claiming brutality by soldiers guarding the company's pipeline," the
San Francisco Chronicle reported. Unocal is hoping that a two-century-old
federal law - the 1789 Alien Tort Claims Act or ATCA - which "allows suits
in U.S. courts for human rights violations abroad" will be repudiated. The
Bush Administration has also "urged the court to dismiss the case against
Unocal and repudiate post-1980 rulings allowing ATCA suits for violations of
international law," the Chronicle pointed out.)
In
December 2002, the Free Aceh Movement and the Indonesian government signed an
agreement that, according to Business Week, would have ended the centuries old
conflict between Indonesia and Aceh: GAM would lay down its arms and the
government would surrender some control over Aceh's oil and gas reserves. After
talks broke down, Indonesia launched its military operations. Prof. Scott
believes that negotiations "were doomed to break down because there won't
be peace until there is a fundamental redistribution of the profits from oil
included in any agreement."
At
stake in the conflict, reports Business Week, is access to "the Straits of
Malacca, the world's second-busiest waterway after Britain's Dover Strait and a
vital trans-Pacific route for supertankers," and an Indonesian oil company
facility in Lhokseumawe, run by ExxonMobil LNG.
A
number of shareholder-raised resolutions brought to this year's confab --
including ones on global warming and renewable energy resources -- went down to
defeat. A coalition of religious activists associated with the Interfaith
Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR) -- including the Province of St.
Joseph of the Capuchin Order, the resolution's primary filer, as well as the
Dominican Sisters of Caldwell, NJ -- brought one of three global warming
resolutions: According to CSRWire, "the resolution pointed out that
ExxonMobil's major competitors (ChevronTexaco, BP, Royal Dutch Shell, Total Elf
Fina) all have investments in renewable energy while ExxonMobil by its own
admission has virtually none." The group also pointed out that
"ExxonMobil's refusal to acknowledge that carbon dioxide emissions cause
global warming was creating a PR backlash and serious reputation damage to the
world's largest oil company."
ExxonMobil
"publicly softened its stance toward global warming over the last
year" [and has] "increased donations to Washington-based policy
groups that question the human role in global warming and argue that proposed
government policies to limit carbon dioxide emissions associated with global
warming are too heavy handed," The New York Times reported in late May.
The
company is now giving more than $1 million a year to conservative think tanks
and public policy institutes including the Competitive Enterprise Institute,
Frontiers of Freedom, the George C. Marshall Institute, the American Council
for Capital Formation Center for Policy Research and the American Legislative
Exchange Council. "Exxon has become the single-largest corporate donor to
some of the groups, accounting for more than 10 percent of their annual
budgets," according to The New York Times.
In
a recent op-ed piece published in the Detroit News, Father Sirico asked:
"Should a company be 'greenmailed' into adopting a dubious agenda clearly
at odds with the company's obligations to countless employees and customers
merely to satisfy the passions of professional agitators?" Revisiting the
issue of shareholder resolutions and what he termed "high profile direct
action campaigns" against multinational corporations, Father Sirico
defended the Ford Motor Company's refusal to "adopt higher fuel economy
standards for its fleet," an action he wrote, that "would be
detrimental to both the company and consumers."
Founded
in 1990 by Father Sirico and Kris Alan Mauren, in recent years, the Acton
Institute for the Study of Religion and Liberty has grown in scope and stature
within the corporate and conservative communities. Father Sirico's imprint is
all over a number of current social and economic policy debates: He has advised
President Bush on "charitable choice" and welfare reform issues;
edited a book for the Vatican aimed at reordering the Catholic Church's
tradition of social justice teachings, and he helped launch a right wing
religious-based environmental coalition aimed at countering liberal
environmental organizations called the Interfaith Council for Environmental
Stewardship (ICES). Father Sirico's op-ed pieces have appeared in the Wall
Street Journal, The New York Times, The Washington Times, the Detroit News and
Investor's Business Daily.
Since
its founding the Institute has garnered considerable financial support from a
phalanx of right wing foundations: Between 1991 and 2001, it received more than
$2.5 million in grants from the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the Earhart
Foundation, the Scaife Family Foundation and John M. Olin Foundation, according
to Media Transparency, a Web site that tracks "the money behind the
media."
It
was not surprising that Father Robert Sirico -- who did not return my telephone
call -- and the Rev. Jerry Zandstra were given a platform at Exxon/Mobil's
confab in Dallas. They were there to defend the corporation against attacks
from its critics. Religious and environmental organizers want Ford, and
companies like it, to "commit corporate suicide" and they want to
stifle its "right to economic initiative," Father Sirico wrote in the
Detroit News. His bottom line: "Unnecessary regulation" and forcing
companies "to cede their corporate governance to national and
supra-national authorities" forces "creative initiative" to be
"replaced with passivity rather than innovation." In the end, this
"results in less competition, loss of market share, higher consumer prices
and increased unemployment."
Bill Berkowitz is a longtime
observer of the conservative movement. His WorkingForChange.com
column Conservative Watch documents the strategies, players, institutions,
victories and defeats of the American Right.
* Privacy
Invasions 'R U.S.: Round-up of Bush Administration-Sponsored Domestic Spy Ops
* Occupation
Watchers: International Peace Groups Set Up Office in Baghdad to Monitor
Occupation