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Cuba
and Colombia
by
Garry M. Leech
May
29, 2003
During
the past two months, the Bush administration's propaganda machine has
successfully distorted reality regarding human rights abuses in the Western
Hemisphere by focusing media and public attention on Cuba's dissident
crackdown. Not surprisingly, the mainstream media has obediently and
unquestioningly echoed the sentiments of State Department officials who have
ridiculously labeled the jailing of 75 Cuban dissidents "the most
despicable act of political repression in the Americas in a decade." What is
surprising is the response of many progressive U.S. intellectuals who, by
signing petitions criticizing Cuba's actions without placing them in a regional
human rights context, have inadvertently helped the Bush administration distort
the regional human rights reality in order to fulfill its own political agenda.
Neither
the mainstream media nor the petitions signed by the aforementioned
intellectuals have called the Bush administration to task for the obvious
hypocrisy of labeling Cuba the region's worst human rights offender at the same
time the United States is providing hundreds of millions of dollars in military
aid annually to the Colombian Armed Forces, which are closely-allied to
right-wing paramilitary death squads truly responsible for the hemisphere's worst
human rights abuses.
There
is no question that the outrage against the Castro government is justified with
regard to the brevity of the closed trials, lack of due process and the
excessive sentences of between six and 28 years handed down for what are non-violent
offenses. However, one also cannot ignore the fact that this crackdown occurred
within the context of countless acts of aggression that have been perpetrated
by Washington against the Cuban government for more than 40 years, including
the ongoing economic embargo.
The
chief of the U.S. diplomatic mission in Havana, James Cason, has repeatedly met
with opposition activists and independent journalists inside the U.S. Interests
Section of the mission. He has also traveled throughout Cuba to meet with
opposition groups and to hand out thousands of short-wave radios that provide
Cubans with access to the U.S. taxpayer-funded, anti-Castro, Miami-based
station, Radio Martí. On March 10, the Cuban government requested that Cason
stop making provocative statements and organizing meetings with Cuban
dissidents. Cason ignored the Cuban government's request and organized another
meeting of dissidents at his residence only two days after receiving the letter
requesting that he cease such activities.
It
is highly unlikely that the Bush administration would tolerate official
representatives of a foreign embassy or consulate actively organizing and
funding groups in the United States whose stated mission was to overthrow the
existing political system. In fact, since 9-11 the Bush administration has
justified restricting the civil liberties of many residents, especially those
of Middle Eastern descent, for fear that domestic groups funded from abroad
might target the United States. Furthermore, on May 13, the Bush administration
expelled 14 Cuban diplomats from the United States, including seven diplomats
from Cuba's UN mission in New York who were being ordered to leave "for
engaging in activities deemed harmful to the United States outside their
official capacity."
While
such terminology is often diplomatic language for spying, FBI officials have
stated that the expulsions were not motivated by any specific espionage
activities. A senior FBI official said the expulsion decision was made at
"the highest levels" in the White House and the State Department and
that "it was not our recommendation to take this action at this
time." These statements buttress Cuba's claims that the diplomats were not
involved in espionage and that the expulsions were a politically-motivated
decision by the Bush administration to further escalate tensions between the
two countries.
Meanwhile,
the U.S. State Department has defended Cason's travels and meetings with Cuban
dissidents by claiming that he is seeking a peaceful transition to democracy in
Cuba. The Cuban government undoubtedly views Cason's activities in the same
light that the Bush administration has portrayed the Cuban diplomats:
"engaging in activities deemed harmful" to the nation. Especially
when the diplomat in question represents a country that has been seeking to
overthrow the Cuban government for more than 40 years.
Regardless
to what degree the 75 Cuban dissidents were receiving information and funding
from the U.S. government, such activities do not justify the lack of due
process evident in their trials and the severity of the sentences handed down
by the secret courts. The trials have provided the Bush administration with
fresh ammunition with which to attack Cuba's human rights record. However, what
the U.S. mainstream media and many leading progressive intellectuals have
failed to do is draw attention to the Bush administration's hypocrisy and its
politicizing of human rights abuses.
Following
the arrests of the dissidents and Cuba's recent re-election to the UN Human
Rights Commission, the U.S. ambassador to the UN Economic and Social Council,
Sichan Siv, pointedly stated that Washington views "Cuba as the worst
violator of human rights in this hemisphere." On April 3, State Department
spokesman, Philip T. Reeker, declared, "The Castro regime's actions are
the most despicable act of political repression in the Americas in a
decade." Meanwhile, there was no official comment from Washington on a UN
Human Rights report issued in March noting that last year the U.S.-backed
Colombian military's direct involvement in human rights abuses escalated and
that "many of these actions were carried out as part of the new [President
Alvaro Uribe] government's security policy."
Twenty-eight
of the jailed Cuban dissidents were journalists, which, while appalling, pales
in comparison to the Colombian government's record regarding the ongoing
slaughter of journalists in that nation. During March, the same month as Cuba's
crackdown, three Colombian journalists were assassinated. The name of one of
them, Luis Eduardo Alfonso, had appeared on a death list issued by the
right-wing paramilitary organization, United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia
(AUC), which is closely-allied to the U.S.-backed Colombian military. Two of
the ten journalists on the list have been killed and the other eight have fled
the region of Arauca, which happens to be where U.S. Army Special Forces troops
are currently operating as part of Washington's global war on terror (see, The
Battle for Saravena).
Last
year in Colombia, according to the New York-based Committee to Protect
Journalists (CPJ), "Eight journalists or media assistants were killed;
around 60 were kidnapped, threatened or physically attacked; more than 20 were
forced to leave their region or the country; and eight attacks or attempted
attacks by means of explosives were reported." While the Bush
administration has gleefully focused the human rights spotlight on Cuba, it has
ignored the dangerous conditions under which journalists in Colombia are forced
to work. The responsibility of shedding light on human rights abuses in
countries allied with Washington has been left to non-governmental
organizations such as the CPJ, which has claimed: "The [Colombian]
government's failure to prosecute these crimes perpetuates a climate of
impunity that leaves the media wide open to violence and has led many
journalists to go into exile." In total, more than 116 journalists have
been killed in Colombia during the past 15 years.
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There
has also been no comment from the Bush White House on recent efforts by the
Uribe administration to increase censorship of the media in Colombia as part of
its "war on terror." The Colombian president has been pushing a
counterterrorism bill through the Colombian Congress that calls for eight to
twelve years in prison for anyone who publishes an article considered to be
"counterproductive to the fight against terrorism," or that the
government deems is "boosting the position or image of the enemy."
The offending media outlet could also be shut down.
While
it is clearly dangerous to work as a journalist in Colombia, it is virtually
suicidal to become a union leader who criticizes the Colombian government and
the ongoing imposition of a Washington-backed neoliberal economic agenda. While
the Bush administration is eager to point out the Cuban government's repression
of opposition members in order to demonize the Castro regime, it is again
conspicuously quiet regarding the ongoing massacre of Colombian unionists
critical of their government. More than 3,000 labor leaders have been killed in
Colombia over the past 15 years without a single culprit being brought to
justice. Last year alone, 184 Colombian unionists were killed, more than in the
rest of the world combined. According to human rights groups, right-wing
paramilitary deaths squads closely-allied with the U.S.-backed Colombian
military are responsible for the huge majority of these killings.
In
sharp contrast to remarks from the U.S. State Department strongly condemning
Cuba for its recent actions, when U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell met with
President Uribe in Bogotá in December 2002 there was no criticism of the Colombian
military's escalating human rights abuses and close ties to paramilitary death
squads. In fact, to the contrary, Secretary Powell announced that the United
States would provide Colombia with $573 million in mostly-military aid for
2003, up from $300 million in 2002. Last week, Amnesty International issued a
report criticizing weapons exports by G8 nations in which it called for tighter
controls on U.S. arms supplied to human rights abusing countries such as
Colombia, which is currently the world's third largest recipient of U.S.
military aid behind only Israel and Egypt.
While
it is clear that pressure should be placed on the Cuban government regarding
its recent crackdown on dissidents, it is ludicrous for the Bush administration
to label Cuba's actions "the most despicable act of political repression
in the Americas in a decade." It is not surprising that the mainstream
media has once again served as the mouthpiece for the administration with
regards to obediently demonizing the White House's foreign target of the month.
However, it is surprising that so many prominent progressive intellectuals in
the United States have signed petitions that condemn Cuba but do not also
criticize the Bush administration's strategy of using the crackdown on
dissidents to politicize human rights. While we all have a responsibility to
condemn human rights abuses such as those recently perpetrated by the Castro
regime, it is just as important that we simultaneously reprimand our own
government for distorting the region's human rights reality in order to fulfill
its political agenda.
Garry M. Leech is author of Killing Peace:
Colombia's Conflict and the Failure of U.S. Intervention (INOTA, 2002), and
is on the Board of Directors of the Information Network of the Americas (INOTA)
in New York. This article first appeared in Colombia Journal. Please visit
their website and consider supporting their vitally important work: http://www.colombiajournal.org