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by
Thom Hartmann
June
5, 2003
To every Middlesex village and farm,
A cry of defiance, and not of fear,
A voice in the darkness, a knock at the
door,
And a word that shall echo for evermore!
For, borne on the night-wind of the Past,
Through all our history, to the last,
In the hour of darkness and peril and
need,
The people will waken and listen to hear.
-- From Paul Revere's Ride by
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, 1863
Emerson
told us, in his lecture Angloam, that in America "the old contest of
feudalism and democracy renews itself here on a new battlefield." Perhaps
seeing our day through a crack between the skeins of time and space, Emerson
concluded, "It is wonderful, with how much rancor and premeditation at
this moment the fight is prepared."
Feudalism?
Let's
be blunt. The real agenda of the new conservatives is nothing less than the
destruction of democracy in the United States of America. And feudalism is one
of their weapons.
Their
rallying cry is that government is the enemy, and thus must be "drowned in
a bathtub." In that, they've mistaken our government for the former Soviet
Union, or confused Ayn Rand's fictional and disintegrating America with the
real thing.
The
government of the United States is us. It was designed to be a government of,
by, and for We, the People. It's not an enemy to be destroyed; it's a means by
which we administer and preserve the commons that we collectively own.
Nonetheless,
the new conservatives see our democratic government as the enemy. And if they
plan to destroy democracy, they must have something in mind to replace it with.
(Yes, I know that "democracy" and "democratic" sound too
much like "Democrat," and so the Republicans want us to say that we
don't live in a democracy, but, rather, a republic, which sounds more like
"Republican." It was one of Newt's efforts, along with replacing
phrases like "Democratic Senator" with "Democrat Senator."
But Republican political correctness can take a leap: we're talking here about
the survival of democracy in our constitutional republic.)
What
conservatives are really arguing for is a return to the three historic forms of
tyranny that the Founders and Framers identified, declared war against, and
fought and died to keep out of our land. Those tyrants were kings, theocrats,
and noble feudal lords.
Kings
would never again be allowed to govern America, the Founders said, so they
stripped the president of the power to declare war. As Lincoln noted in an 1848
letter to William Herndon: "Kings had always been involving and
impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that
the good of the people was the object. This, our [1787] Convention understood
to be the most oppressive of all Kingly oppressions; and they resolved to so
frame the Constitution that no one man should hold the power of bringing this
oppression upon us."
Theocrats
would never again be allowed to govern America, as they had tried in the early
Puritan communities. In 1784, when Patrick Henry proposed that the Virginia
legislature use a sort of faith-based voucher system to pay for "Christian
education," James Madison responded with ferocity, saying government
support of church teachings "will be a dangerous abuse of power." He
added, "The Rulers who are guilty of such an encroachment exceed the
commission from which they derive their authority, and are Tyrants. The People
who submit to it are governed by laws made neither by themselves nor by an
authority derived from them, and are slaves."
And
America was not conceived of as a feudal state, feudalism being broadly defined
as "rule by the super-rich." Rather, our nation was created in large
part in reaction against centuries of European feudalism. As Ralph Waldo Emerson
said in his lecture titled The Fortune of the Republic, delivered on December
1, 1863, "We began with freedom. America was opened after the feudal
mischief was spent. No inquisitions here, no kings, no nobles, no dominant
church."
The
great and revolutionary ideal of America is that a government can exist while
drawing its authority, power, and ongoing legitimacy from a single source:
"The consent of the governed." Conservatives, however, would change
all that.
In
their brave new world, corporations are more suited to governance than are the
unpredictable rabble called citizens. Corporations should control politics,
control the commons, control health care, control our airwaves, control the
"free" market, and even control our schools. Although corporations
can't vote, these new conservatives claim they should have human rights, like
privacy from government inspections of their political activity and the free
speech right to lie to politicians and citizens in PR and advertising. Although
corporations don't need to breathe fresh air or drink pure water, these new
conservatives would hand over to them the power to self-regulate poisonous
emissions into our air and water.
While
these new conservatives claim corporations should have the rights of persons,
they don't mind if corporations use hostile financial force to take over other,
smaller corporations in a bizarre form of corporate slavery called monopoly.
Corporations can't die, so aren't subject to inheritance taxes or probate. They
can't be put in prison, so even when they cause death they are only subject to
fines.
Corporations
and their CEOs are America's new feudal lords, and the new conservatives are
their obliging servants and mouthpieces. The conservative mantra is: "Less
government!" But the dirty little secret of the new conservatives is that
just as nature abhors a vacuum, so also do politics and power. Every time
government of, by, and for We, the People is pushed out of administering some
part of this nation's vast commons, corporations step in. And by swamping the
United States of America in debt with so-called "tax cuts," they seek
to force an increasingly desperate government to cede more and more of our
commons to their corporate rule.
Conservatives
confuse efficiency and cost: They suggest that big corporations can perform
public services at a lower total cost than government, while ignoring the
corporate need to pad the bill with dividends to stockholders, rich CEO
salaries, corporate jets and headquarters, advertising, millions in
"campaign contributions," and cash set-asides for growth and
expansion. They want to frame this as the solution of the "free
market," and talk about entrepreneurs and small businesses filling up the
holes left when government lets go of public property.
But
these are straw man arguments: What they are really advocating is corporate
rule, and ultimately a feudal state controlled exclusively by the largest of
the corporations. Smaller corporations, like individual humans and the
governments they once hoped would protect them from powerful feudal forces, can
watch but they can't play.
The
modern-day conservative movement began with Federalists Alexander Hamilton and
John Adams, who argued that for a society to be stable it must have a governing
elite, and this elite must be separate both in power and privilege from what
Adams referred to as "the rabble." Their Federalist party imploded in
the early 19th Century, in large part because of public revulsion over
Federalist elitism, a symptom of which was Adams' signing the Alien and
Sedition Acts. (If you've only read the Republican biographies of John Adams,
you probably don't remember these laws, even though they were the biggest thing
to have happened in Adams' entire four years in office, and the reason why the
citizens of America voted him out of office, and voted Jefferson - who loudly
and publicly opposed the Acts - in. They were a 1797 version of the Patriot Act
and Patriot II, with startlingly similar language.)
Destroyed
by their embrace of this early form of despotism, the Federalists were replaced
first in the early 1800s by the short-lived Whigs and then, starting with
Lincoln, by the modern-day Republicans, who, after Lincoln's death, firmly
staked out their ancestral Federalist position as the party of wealthy
corporate and private interests. And now, under the disguise of the word
"conservative" (classical conservatives like Teddy Roosevelt and
Dwight Eisenhower are rolling in their graves), these old-time feudalists have
nearly completed their takeover of our great nation.
It
became obvious with the transformation of healthcare into a for-profit
industry, leading to spiraling costs (and millions of dollars for Bill Frist
and his ilk). Insurance became necessary for survival, and people were worried.
Bill Clinton was prepared to answer the concern of the majority of Americans
who supported national health care. But that would harm corporate profits.
"Do
you want government bureaucrats deciding which doctor you can see?" asked
the conservatives, over and over again. As a yes/no question, the answer was
pretty simple for most Americans: no. But, as is so often the case when
conservatives try to influence public opinion, the true issue wasn't honestly stated.
The
real question was: "Do you want government bureaucrats - who are
answerable to elected officials and thus subject to the will of 'We, The
People' - making decisions about your healthcare, or would you rather have
corporate bureaucrats - who are answerable only to their CEOs and work in a
profit-driven environment - making decisions about your healthcare?"
For
every $100 that passes through the hands of the government-administered
Medicare programs, between $2 and $3 is spent on administration, leaving $97 to
$98 to pay for medical services and drugs. But of every $100 that flows through
corporate insurance programs and HMOs, $10 to $24 sticks to corporate fingers
along the way. After all, Medicare doesn't have lavish corporate headquarters,
corporate jets, or pay expensive lobbying firms in Washington to work on its
behalf. It doesn't "donate" millions to politicians and their
parties. It doesn't pay profits in the form of dividends to its shareholders.
And it doesn't compensate its top executive with over a million dollars a year,
as do each of the largest of the American insurance companies. Medicare has one
primary mandate: serve the public. Private corporations also have one primary
mandate: generate profit.
When
Jeb Bush cut a deal with Enron to privatize the Everglades, it diminished the
power of the Florida government to protect a natural resource and enhanced the
power and profitability of Enron. Similarly, when politicians argue for harsher
sentencing guidelines and also advocate more corporate-owned prisons, they're
enhancing the power and profits of one of America's fastest-growing and most
profitable remaining domestic industries: incarceration. But having government
protect the quality of the nation's air and water by mandating pollution controls
doesn't enhance corporate profits. Neither does single-payer health-care, which
threatens insurance companies with redundancy, or requirements for local
control of broadcast media. In these and other regards, however, the government
still holds the keys to the riches of the commons held in trust for us all.
Riches the corporations want to convert into profits.
For
example, an NPR Morning Edition report by Rick Carr on 28 May 2003 said,
"Current FCC Chair Michael Powell says he has faith the market will
provide. What's more, he says, he'd rather have the market decide than
government." In this, Powell was reciting the conservative mantra.
Misconstruing Adam Smith, who warned about the dangers of the invisible hand of
the marketplace trampling the rights and needs of the people, Powell suggests
that business always knows best. The market will decide. Bigger isn't badder.
But
experience shows that the very competition that conservatives claim to embrace
is destroyed by the unrestrained growth of corporate interests. It's called
monopoly: Big fish eat little fish, over and over, until there are no little
fish left. Look at the thoroughfares of any American city and ask yourself how
many of the businesses there are locally owned. Instead of cash circulating
within a local and competitive economy, at midnight every night a button is
pushed and the local money is vacuumed away to Little Rock or Chicago or New
York.
This
is feudalism in its most raw and naked form, just as the kings and nobles of
old sucked dry the resources of the people they claimed to own. It is in these
arguments for unrestrained corporatism that we see the naked face of Hamilton's
Federalists in the modern conservative movement. It's the face of wealth and
privilege, of what Jefferson called a "pseudo-aristocracy," that
works to its own enrichment and gain regardless of the harm done to the nation,
the commons, or the "We, the People" rabble.
It
is, in its most complete form, the face that would "drown government in a
bathtub"; that sneers at the First Amendment by putting up "free
speech zones" for protesters; that openly and harshly suggests that those
who are poor, unemployed, or underemployed are suffering from character
defects. That works hard to protect the corporate interest, but is happy to
ignore the public interest. That says it doesn't matter what happens to the
humans living in what a national conservative talk show host laughingly calls
"turd world nations."
These
new conservatives would have us trade in our democracy for a corporatocracy, a
form of feudal government most recently reinvented by Benito Mussolini when he
recommended a "merger of business and state interests" as a way of
creating a government that would be invincibly strong. Mussolini called it fascism.
In
a previous Common Dreams op-ed, I pointed out how media and other corporations
will suck up to government when they think they can get regulations that will
enhance their profits. We see this daily in the halls of Congress and in the
lobbying efforts directed at our regulatory agencies. We see it in the millions
of dollars in trips and gifts given to FCC commissioners, that in another era
would have been called bribes.
These
corporate-embracing conservatives are not working for what's best for democracy,
for America, or for the interests of "We, The People." They are
explicitly interested in a singular goal: Profits and the power to maintain
them. Under control, the desire for profit can be a useful thing, as 200 years
of American free enterprise have shown.
But
unrestrained, as George Soros warns us so eloquently, it will create monopoly
and destroy democracy. The new conservatives are systematically dismantling our
governmental systems of checks and balances; of considering the public good
when regulating private corporate behavior; of protecting those individuals,
small businesses, and local communities who are unable to protect themselves
from giant corporate predators. They want to replace government of, by, and for
We, the People, with a corporate feudal state, turning America's citizens into
their vassals and serfs.
Only
a public revolt in disgust over this unconscionable behavior will stop these
new conservatives from turning America into a corporate-based clone of
Mussolini's feudal vision. As Longfellow reminds us, "In the hour of
darkness and peril and need/The people will waken and listen to hear.."
It
is again that hour, and now is the time for we, the rabble, to re-awaken our
fellow citizens.
Thom Hartmann is the author
of over a dozen books, including Unequal Protection and The Last
Hours of Ancient Sunlight. (www.thomhartmann.com)
This article is copyright by Thom Hartmann, but permission is granted for
reprint in print, email, blog, or web media so long as this credit is attached.