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The
Rape of Mesopotamia
Museums
versus Oil Wells At the "End of History"
by
Paul Street
April
15, 2003
"A
country's identity, its value and civilization resides in its history," says
Raid Abdul Ridhar Muhammed, an Iraqi archaeologist. "If a country's
civilization is looted, as ours has been here, its history ends. Please tell
this to President Bush," Muhammed asks New York Times reporter John Burns.
"Please
remind him that he promised to liberate the Iraqi people, but that this is not
a liberation, this is a humiliation" ("Pillagers Strip Iraqi Museum
of Its Treasure," New York Times, 13 April, 2003, A1).
The
White House is deeply offended (officially at least) by those who note the
chilling parallel between Nazi foreign policy and the Bush-Wolfowitz doctrine
of "preemptive" (really preventive) war currently being enacted in
Iraq.
Remembering
that all versions of racist imperialism are not the same, then, let us note one
key difference between the way the Bush gang is proceeding and how Adolf
Hitler's Third Reich would have conquered Baghdad.
The
Nazis, we can be sure, would have made special provision to safeguard, and then
of course appropriate, the monumental treasures of Mesopotamia and ancient
Sumerian civilization. No, not out of any special concern or respect for other
peoples' history: beyond the normal looting instincts of invaders, the Nazis
were eager to identify themselves with selected aspects of past civilizations
and empires and therefore made a special point of cataloguing and preserving
the treasures of occupied territories.
As
Lynn Nichols notes in her award-winning book The Rape of Europa: The Fate of
Europe's Treasures in the Third Reich and the Second World War (New York,
1994), Hitler's SS "had an art branch, the Ahnenerbe (Ancestral Heritage),
which sponsored archaeological research world wide in the hope of finding
confirmation of early and glorious Germanic cultures." By the late 1930s,
"Ancestral Heritage" was "financing exotic projects
abroad," including elaborate, scientifically respectable digs in South
America, "determined to prove that the Germanism of the occupied
territories reached to earliest prehistory." In the immediate aftermath of
Hitler's Polish Blitzkrieg, also sold (like "Operation Iraqi
Freedom") as a "preemptive campaign," Nazi Special Forces
prepared special lists of art works to be found and preserved in a newly
Germanized western Poland. "A certain amount of damage and looting are inevitable
in the heat of war," notes Nichols, but in this invasion the Germans acted
on their "singularly detailed knowledge of the location of works of
art," safeguarding artifacts for careful confiscation and preservation.
In
a perverse and powerful way, history - both their own and that of conquered
nations - mattered to the masters of European fascism. It would have
unthinkable for them to let the historical artifacts and cultural riches of
Iraq slip away into the hands of anonymous looters.
Things
are different with the new bosses of Baghdad, employed by a onetime C student
history major who couldn't tell the difference between a Mesopotamian fossil
and a Mexican burrito. They represent an insufferably narcissistic nation
(still primarily obsessed with what a military campaign that killed millions of
Vietnamese did to its own national psyche) whose "leaders" have long
painted our their country as the specially chosen, "exceptional," and
practically timeless answer to the grating past. America, we have all been
asked to believe, is the permanently modern City on a Hill (John Winthrop). It
"stands taller and sees farther" (Madeline Albright) than the rest of
the hopelessly "old" world. A more recent twist on America's ever-evasive,
a-historical sense of itself and the world sees the "single sustainable
model" of societal evolution represented by the US - supposedly
"liberal" mass consumer capitalism and "representative
democracy" -- as the "End of History." It is the glorious
terminal point of serious political contestation over the nature and meaning of
collective human existence. "History," according to the iconic
American mass-production automobile capitalist and virulent anti-Semite Henry
Ford, "is bunk."
For
these and other reasons, it is not surprising that world history's most
powerful military force couldn't spare so much as a single tank or two soldiers
to guard the National Museum of Iraq during the "war" for Baghdad.
Such
a relatively tiny presence might have prevented the disappearance of more than
fifty thousand artifacts from what the Chicago Tribune calls "the
storehouse of civilization's cradle." And it's not like the White House
and Pentagon didn't know what was in that storehouse: leading experts gave them
elaborate lists of key artifact sites, placing special emphasis on the National
Museum.
"Mesopotamia,"
says Gil Stein, director of the University of Chicago's prestigious Oriental
Institute, "is the world's first civilization. It's the first place to
develop cities, the first place where writing was invented.
And
the artifacts from the excavations from there are the patrimony for our entire
civilization and entirely irreplaceable" (Chicago Tribune,13 April, 2003,
p.1).
"Whatever,"
say Bush and Rumsfeld. Their imperial arsenal includes helicopters
("Apache," "Blackhawk" and "Comanche") named
after tribes from North America's own obliterated ancient civilizations and its
genocidal past. Who really gives a damn, they ask, when you get down to it, about
a bunch of "artey-facts" and fossils and such? That stuff only
matters, they think, to historians, archaeologists, anthropologists and other
assorted "liberal" "eggheads" who wouldn't even know how to
shoot a sword-wielding Arab like Harrison Ford did in "Indiana
Jones." For heaven's sake, as Rumsfeld loves to say, its just too darn bad
if a bunch of "old timey stuff" (to quote Homer Simpson) gets lost on
the road to paving over Mesopotamia.
After
all, we've got a modern American and Ford-like job to do: benevolently granting
those poor Iraqis the mass-consumer items, pseudo-representative semi-democracy
(plutocracy), and soul-deadening mass culture ("Baywatch Baghdad" is
surely in its planning stages) we know they crave.
According
to one story appearing in publications around the world, US armed forces
actually encouraged the ransacking. According to Khaled Bayomi, a Middle
Eastern political researcher who witnessed the looting of the National Museum,
American troops inspired the plunder for a very interesting reason. "The
lack of jubilant scenes" of grateful Iraqis greeting American conquerors,
claims Bayomi, meant that US forces "needed pictures of Iraqis who in
different ways demonstrated hatred for Saddam's regime." It's hard to
believe that such encouragement (if that's what took place) did not occur
without high-level approval (See "US Encouraged Ransacking" at www.informationclearinghouse.info/article2842.htm).
Today,
the American Empire's nice cop Colin Powell felt compelled during a press
conference to acknowledge the tragedy of the National Museum. He pledged
American assistance in the effort to recover the lost items (no small job).
Global outrage over the rape of Mesopotamia has reached the front page of his
nation's leading newspapers, making it into Powell's own daily internal
briefings.
But
whatever the truth (or falsity) of the charge that Americans cynically
encouraged the looting of the museum and the sincerity (or cynicism) of
Powell's statement, it should be noted that the oil wells of Iraq have been
consistently, well and massively guarded by British and American forces. But of
course: it's important, after all, that the people of the world retain their
greatest imaginable freedom of all at the End of History - the right to drive
around cheaply in ecocidal automobiles to and from glorious citadels of mass
consumption. Henry Ford would certainly approve.
Paul Street is a historian, and author
of “Color Bind," a chapter in Prison Nation: The Warehousing of
America's Poor (Routledge Press, 2003), edited by Tara Herivel and Paul
Wright. Email: pstreet@cul-chicago.org. This article first appeared in ZNET (www.zmag.org/weluser.htm)