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Betraying
the Iraqi People
by
Milan Rai
May
16, 2003
No
evidence has yet been discovered that Iraq possessed weapons of mass
destruction. The US and UK are therefore seeking new political cover for their
illegal, unnecessary and immoral war. Before the war, British Prime Minister
Tony Blair said, 'The ending of this [Iraqi] regime would be the cause of
regret for no one other than Saddam Hussein… But our purpose is disarmament.'
(24 Sept. 2002, quoted in Financial Times, 15 May 2003, p. 3) Now Mr Blair
says, 'I hope that for those people who had some doubt about the wisdom of
removing Saddam Hussein, the reports of mass graves are an indication of how
brutal, tyrannical and appalling that regime was, and what a blessing it is for
the Iraqi people and for humankind that he has gone from power.' (The Times, 15
May 2003, p. 19)
REGIME
CHANGE WAS THE ANTI-WAR POSITION
Contrary
to Mr Blair's smears, the authentic anti-war movement never had any 'doubts'
about the wisdom of removing Saddam Hussein and his brutal regime. In their
statement of Sept. 2002, one hundred Iraqi anti- war exiles said, 'We are told
a war on Iraq is needed to pre-empt a threat to the region and to free the
Iraqi people from Saddam Hussein's tyranny. We as Iraqis already free from that
tyranny, living outside Iraq and in the western democracies, say that both
these claims are false.'
The
Iraqi exiles denounced the crimes of the regime, but said, 'the remedy must not
cause greater damage to the innocent and to society at large': 'Real change can
only be brought about by the Iraqi people themselves within an environment of
peace and justice for all the peoples of the Middle East.' (letter, The Guardian,
5 Sept. 2002) They called for the lifting of the economic sanctions which had
had 'catastrophic' effects on millions of ordinary families in Iraq.
The
anti-war movement had no illusions about the nature of the Iraqi dictatorship.
But the authentic anti-war movement recognized that the United States and
Britain had no real concern for the Iraqi people, and that the
"liberation" they were promising was a cynical sham. At the heart of
the anti-war movement was the anti-sanctions movement -- a movement which knew
that the most democratising force that could be let loose in Iraq was the
lifting of economic sanctions.
Lifting
economic sanctions, as supported by former UN Humanitarian Coordinators for
Iraq Denis Halliday and Hans von Sponeck (who resigned from their posts in
protest against the sanctions) would have vastly improved public health AND
empowered the Iraqi people to enable them to seek social change. We supported
regime change through peaceful means.
LEADERSHIP
CHANGE, REGIME STABILISATION
Washington
and London are not interested in empowering the Iraqi people. They are actually
empowering the oppressors of the Iraqi people.
Hence
these headlines: 'Concerns grow as Ba'ath old guard takes reins of power' (The Telegraph,
7 May, p. 11), 'British spark protests by reappointing Ba'athists' (The Telegraph,
18 Apr., p. 13) and 'Shia clerics urge faithful to attack returning Ba'athists'
(Financial Times, 10 May, p. 6).
The
'After Saddam' section of BBC News Online has a corner entitled 'BAATHIST
COMEBACK': 'in many cities former Baath Party officials are taking leading
roles in the administration the US and British forces are attempting to
establish. It is mainly the middle and lower ranks of officials that are taking
up where they left off under the old regime, but there are reports that senior
bureaucrats and ministers at the oil and health ministries have been offered
their jobs back by the US military.' (http://news.bbc.co.uk/
search 'After Saddam')
Thousands
of Ba'athist police officers have been re- hired by the US and UK. Sergeant
Euan Andrews of the 7th Parachute Regiment of the Royal Horse Artillery summed
up the brotherly atmosphere by swinging his arm around an Iraqi by his side
outside the freshly painted Basra police station: 'Ahmed, beaming in a baseball
cap emblazoned with the words "City of Basra police" in Arabic, and
holding a truncheon, punches his new friend in playful cameraderie. "A
month ago we were shooting at each other," says Euan, "now we are on
the same side".' (Sunday Telegraph, 4 May, p. 17)
Is
this the side of the Iraqi people?
Sgt
Andrews was not with 40 Commando Royal Marines in Abu Al Khasib, a suburb of
Basra, when they entered the police station on 1 Apr. to discover a row of
torture cells: 'In one, a meat hook hung from the ceiling, in another a thick
line of hose pipe sat on the floor, with no water taps for it to attach to
anywhere in sight.' It became abundantly clear that 'the building in this
captured suburb of Basra was, in fact, a house of torture used to inflict pain
and suffering on possibly hundreds of civilians.' The soldiers also found car
tyres and a live electric lead in another room, used for electrocution, and a
pile of ID cards of the 'disappeared'.
Later
an Iraqi told the troops that the secret police, the Mukhabarat, also worked in
the building.
Corporal
Dominic Conway remarked, 'They weren't policemen in there, not like we understand
the term. They weren't even animals because animals aren't that cruel.'
(Mirror, 2 Apr., p. 8) A few weeks later, Basra's 'policemen' would be back on
the streets, on the British payroll, exchanging cigarettes and friendly punches
with British squaddies.
Only
one newspaper seems to have reported that Zuhair al-Nuaimi, who was appointed
interim head of the Baghdad police, and who then resigned, was 'a former army
general and interior ministry official' under Saddam. (Financial Times, 5 May,
p. 1) The courts re-opened in Baghdad on 8 May. Clint Williamson, US adviser to
justice ministry said all Iraqi laws would apply except certain laws from the
Ba'ath era. Saddam's judges have been re-appointed. (The Guardian, 9 May, p.
14)
'British
forces struggling to assemble an interim authority in Iraq's second city,
Basra, are facing criticism for re-appointing officials from Saddam Hussein's
Ba'ath Party. At an inaugural city council meeting, half of the dozen members
on show were said to have held prominent places in the fallen regime. One of
them, Ghalib Cubba, a rich businessman known in Basra as "Saddam's
banker", once held soirees at which the leader known as Chemical Ali was a
regular guest. Others included the imam of Saddam's mosque and a university
lecturer who had a reputation for converting students to the Ba'ath cause.'
Brigadier
Graham Binns, head of 7th Armoured Brigade, said he had spent time with each
council member, adding: 'I feel confident they are acting as a force for good.
Anyone with influence was a member of the Ba'ath Party.' (The Telegraph, 18
Apr., p. 13) Just as influential people had to join the Party in Germany in
1945.
The
make-up of the Basra interim advisory council was 'carefully withheld from the
public' in mid- April. When told by a reporter, Mohammed al-Shatti, a Basra
language teacher said, 'There will be great anger among the people when they
find out who these men are.' (The Telegraph, 18 Apr., p. 13)
'Dr
Ali Shenan [Janabi], the new man in charge [of the Ministry of Health] is not
likely to change much... He admits that he is a former Ba'ath party member...
"I did believe in the party, but that did not affect my work." ' (The
Telegraph, 7 May, p. 11) When Dr Janabi, 'the former number three in Saddam's
famously corrupt [Health] Ministry was presented to an all-day conference of
doctors', 'His appointment [by the US to the position of interim Health
Minister] was greeted with disbelief and charges of corruption from many
doctors.' (The Observer, 11 May, p. 2) Haider Mnather is a playwright who was
carted off to jail and intimidated for turning out plays considered
disrespectful of Saddam.
'Imagine
then his horror on discovering that the Americans were offering the job of
cultural overlord in the new Iraqi administration to the man who had held it
before, a figure despised by Baghdad's artists': Louai Haki, 'who harnessed
artistic output for the glorification of the dictator... [was] known as
Saddam's favourite poet, [he] said the Americans had been very
"polite" in asking him to resume work as director-general of Iraqi
cinema and theatre.' (Sunday Times, 4 May, p. 25) 'The American-led reconstruction
body for Iraq has named a senior Iraqi technocrat to run the country's vital
oil industry amid growing unease at the number of former officials of the
Baathist regime securing key posts in the post-war administration.' (The Independent,
5 May, p. 10)
Senior
US sources at Jay Garner's Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance
have 'proclaimed their success in developing agreements with leading officials
just below ministerial rank in several pre-existing government departments.'
The regime is being rebuilt. (The Independent, 5 May, p. 10)
Hussein
Rabia was shot and dumped in a mass grave outside Najaf in March 1991, as
Saddam's military forces killed Shias indiscriminately-under the gaze of US
forces. He survived. 'Although this area is nominally under the control of US
Marines, there was still fear on his face. He said that there were many
Baathists still walking freely in Iraq, who had to be stopped from ever
returning to power. Above all, he wanted those responsible for the mass
killings to be brought to court.' (Times, 6 May, p. 15) Mr Blair invokes the
mass graves to justify his bloody war, but the men who were part of the mass
grave machine, who staffed the torture shops, who persecuted dissident
playwrights, who kept the fascist ministries running, are being restored to
power by Mr Blair and Mr Bush. This is not liberation. This is regime
restoration. ARROW has always warned that the US wanted 'leadership change,
regime stabilisation', 'Saddamism without Saddam', not real change.
The
Iraqi people need our active solidarity to help stop this obscenity. They are
already having some successes: former Iraqi brigadier Sheikh Muzahim Mustafa
Kana al-Tamimi, appointed head of the interim Basra administration, was 'quietly
dropped from the line-up' because of popular protests. (Telegraph, 18 Apr., p.
13) Doctors in Basra have 'successfully revolted against attempts to restore
local medical administrators from the former regime to their previous jobs.'
(Independent, 5 May, p. 10) We owe Hussein Rabia and the relatives of those
killed in the mass graves our solidarity. Stop the Bush/Blair re- nazification
of Iraq.
Milan Rai is
author of War Plan Iraq: Ten Reasons Against War (Verso, 2002) and a
member of Active
Resistance to the Roots of War (ARROW). He
is also co-founder of Voices in the Wilderness UK, which has worked for the
lifting of UN sanctions in Iraq.