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The
Real War - On American Democracy
by
Thom Hartmann
April
12, 2003
In
the midst of news of foreign wars, Americans are beginning to wake up to the
real war being waged here at home. It is, however, a confused awakening.
For
example, Americans wonder why the Bush administration seems so intent on
crippling local, state, and federal governments by starving them of funds and
creating huge federal debt that our children will have to repay.
Many
think it's just to fund tax cuts and subsidies for the rich, that the multimillionaire
CEOs who've taken over virtually all senior posts in the Bush administration
are just pigs at the trough, and this is a spectacular but ordinary form of
self-serving corruption. It all seems so plausible, and there's even a grain of
truth to it.
But
juicy deals for Bush administration insiders are just a by-product of the real
and deeper war against democracy. The neoconservatives are perfectly happy for
us to think they're just opportunists skirting the edges of legality and
morality, but this is far more dangerous than simple government corruption.
Indeed,
the neo-conservatives claim to be anti-government. As a leading spokesman for
the neo-con agenda, Grover Norquist, told National Public Radio's Mara Liasson
in a May 25, 2001 Morning Edition interview, "I don't want to abolish
government. I simply want to reduce it to the size where I can drag it into the
bathroom and drown it in the bathtub."
Without
a larger view, the issues of domestic spending, oil, neo-conservative power
plays in both major parties, the loss of liberties, anti-government rhetoric,
and war in the Middle East all seem like separate and unconnected events.
They're not.
The
"new conservatives" who've seized the Republican Party and, through
the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) are nipping at the heels of the
Democratic Party, are not our parents' conservatives. Historic conservatives
like Barry Goldwater, Harry Truman, and Dwight Eisenhower would be appalled.
Although their philosophical roots go back to Alexander Hamilton, who openly
argued during the Constitutional Convention that royalty was the best form of
government, the neocons have always been kept to the fringe, nipping at the
heels of democracy.
In
past times those promoting what is now called the neo-conservative agenda went
by different names.
The
Founders of America knew that for 6000 years "civilized" humans had
always been ruled by one of three groups: kings, theocrats, or feudal lords.
Kings held power by threat of violence and continual warfare; theocrats and
popes held power by the people's fear of a god or gods; and feudal lords held
power by wealth and the power that comes from throwing average people into
poverty.
The
"new" idea of our Founders in 1776 was to throw off all three of
these historic tyrannies and replace them with a fourth way - people being
ruled by themselves. A government that derived its legitimacy and continuing
existence solely from the approval of its citizens. Government of, by, and for
"We, The People." They called it a republican democracy.
What
we are seeing now in the neoconservative agenda is nothing less than an attempt
to overthrow republican democracy and replace it with a worldwide feudal state.
The
last time this happened, the feudalists took over a monarchy and then North
America. In December 1600, Queen Elizabeth I chartered the East India company,
ultimately leading to a corporate takeover of the Americas that the colonists
ended with the Boston Tea Party and, three years later, the American
Revolution. This corporate-state partnership went on to conquer India, but
eventually faded out as the British Empire faded, and the British government,
along with most of Western Europe, embraced Jeffersonian forms of democracy.
But
it raised its head again in the 20th Century, revived by Franco, Hitler, and
Mussolini. The Italian dictator even used the word "corporatism" to
describe it, and then later renamed it as "fascism" - a word that was
defined in American dictionaries such as The American Heritage Dictionary
(Houghton Mifflin Company) in 1983 as "fas-cism (fash'iz'em) n. A system
of government that exercises a dictatorship of the extreme right, typically
through the merging of state and business leadership, together with belligerent
nationalism."
Since
the "Reagan Revolution," two centuries after we rose up and rebelled
against King George III's support of corporate feudalism in Boston Harbor, this
ancient enemy of democracy is again trying to seize America. Reagan ignored the
Sherman Act and other restraints on corporations, and sold at fire-sale prices
the airwaves once held in common by We, The People. The result was predictable:
a merger and acquisitions frenzy, and the takeover of American media by a
handful of mega-corporations. Bill Clinton then helped export corporatism to
the industrialized world when he pushed GATT/WTO through Congress.
Thus,
the war on Iraq was just one front in the larger feudal war against democracy
itself. (And a particularly useful one - it gave the corporate feudal lords
access to oil wealth, and was so effective at distracting the populace from
Bush's outrageous domestic agenda that we can expect to see another war,
somewhere, in November of 2004.)
In
1936 - years before America turned its attention to fighting fascism in Germany
- Franklin D. Roosevelt was concerned about the rise of a corporate feudalism
here in the United States. In a speech in Philadelphia on June 27th, he said:
"Out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties.
New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things.
Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of
industry and agriculture, of labor and capital - all undreamed of by the
Fathers - the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal
service."
Roosevelt
suggested that human nature may play a part in it all, but that didn't make it
tolerable. "It was natural and perhaps human," he said, "that
the privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power,
reached out for control over government itself."
It
was a control the Democratic Party of 1936 found intolerable. "As a
result," Roosevelt said, "the average man once more confronts the
problem that faced the Minute Man."
Republicans
of the day lashed out in the press and on radio, charging that Roosevelt was
anti-American, even communist. Without a moment's hesitation, he threw it back
in their faces.
"These
economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of
America," Roosevelt thundered in that 1936 speech. "What they really
complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our allegiance to
American institutions requires the overthrow of this kind of power. In vain
they seek to hide behind the flag and the Constitution. In their blindness they
forget what the flag and the Constitution stand for."
Those
of us who still believe in republican democracy would have "We, The
People" make the decisions through representatives we've elected without
the feudal influence of corporate money. We realize that "big
government" is, indeed, a menace when it's no longer responsive to its own
people, as happened in Germany and Russia in the last century - and is happening
today in America under the neoconservatives.
But
we also remember the vision of a free and democratic America - a sacred
archetype so powerful that protestors in Tiananmen Square marched to their
deaths carrying a 36-foot-tall paper mache replica of the Statue Of Liberty
while quoting the words of Thomas Jefferson.
Facing
the power of The East India Company's corporate feudalism in 1773, the Founders
of our nation, unable to get their voices heard in the halls of the British
government or even in many of the newspapers of the day, turned to two nonviolent
and very effective methods to spread the new meme of democracy.
The
first was pamphleteering - and the internet is today's pamphlet. Millions are
using email and pointing to websites to awaken people and promote democratic
change.
The
second was creating "committees of correspondence," also used
extensively by the Women's Suffrage movement. These were groups organized to
write letters to the editors of newspapers.
People
across American have already begun letter writing, faxing, and email campaigns,
and you can see the results on the editorial pages of our newspapers and in the
reactions of some of our politicians. Other correspondents are blogging or
calling in to talk shows, modern variations on this theme.
A
correspondent in York, New York, who is pamphleteering in email and encouraging
committees of correspondence to write letters to newspaper editors against the
new feudalism's wars on America and overseas, shared the following quote from
Emerson: "One of the illusions [of life] is that the present hour is not
the critical, decisive hour."
Yet
this is the critical and decisive hour, and we are not without voices or tools.
Thom Hartmann is the author
of over a dozen books, including Unequal Protection and The Last
Hours of Ancient Sunlight. (www.thomhartmann.com)
This article is copyright by Thom Hartmann, but permission is granted for
reprint in print, email, blog, or web media so long as this credit is attached.