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It's
the Permanent War on Terrorism, Stupid
Administration
Counting on Climate of Fear
to
Pave Way for Re-election
by
Bill Berkowitz
May
7, 2003
Photo
op for Election 2004 campaign advertisement -- Take 1:
On
Thursday, May 1, President Bush lands on board a homeward bound aircraft
carrier, the USS Abraham Lincoln. At 9 P.M. EST, with the carrier's 5,000
crewmembers as backdrop, the president announces to the nation that the
military phase of the Invasion of Iraq is over.
International
terrorist attacks declined by 44% in 2002 -- from 355 attacks in 2001 to 199
attacks in 2002, according to a report published April 30 by the U.S. State
Department. The report, "Patterns of Global Terrorism: 2002" pointed
out that the number of people killed by terrorists declined to 725, down from
the 3,295 people killed in 2001, including the 9/11 attacks. This report did
not record the number of dead civilians killed by U.S. bombing raids in
Afghanistan during the past two years.
President
George W. Bush's re-election to a second term will not depend on Florida
re-counts, hanging chads, the United States Supreme Court, or the state of the
economy. The Republican Party will retain control of the White House if the
president continues to persuade the majority of the American people that the
war on terrorism must be pursued at all cost -- both at home and abroad -- and
the mainstream media continues to uncritically parrot this line.
The
Bush Administration claims that the U.S. is well on its way toward winning the
war against terrorism. But, despite highly trumpeted "victories" --
the routing of the Taliban and al-Qaeda from Afghanistan and the overthrow
Saddam Hussein's Baath regime -- it is cautioning that success in the war
against terrorism will be measured in years or decades, not months.
A
White House document titled "Securing the Homeland, Strengthening the
Nation" maintains that the threat of terrorism is "an inescapable
reality of life in the 21st century. It is a permanent condition to which
America and the entire world must adjust." If this thinking dominates the
political debate as America approaches the 2004 presidential election, the
Democrats' hope of breathing new life into "It's the economy stupid"
will fail to achieve the impact it had twelve years ago.
President
Bush's approval rating hovers at slightly over 70 percent -- twenty points
lower than his father's numbers twelve years ago after the end of Gulf War I.
Support for Bush, while widespread, has little depth. His advisors recognize
that the numbers could easily slip when the welcome-home-the-troops-pageantry
fades and people turn their attention to a severely debilitated economy.
However, if the administration can set the agenda for Election 2004, it will
not be the economy but national security issues heading the list.
Since
the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, fear
of another terrorist attack has become a central concern for many Americans.
Other than the anthrax attacks in 2001, however, the US has experienced only a
series of false alarms: Terrorist attacks on bridges, water systems,
transportation hubs, and nuclear power plants hasn't happened; the use of
chemical or biological weapons hasn't materialized; there have been no
"dirty bombers" or suicide bombers; and the much-hyped smallpox
epidemic hasn't occurred.
With
each real or perceived threat, Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge, in
consultation with the Homeland Security Council, ratcheted-up the Homeland
Security Advisory System. Elevating security alerts from yellow (significant
risk of terrorist attacks) to orange (high risk of terrorist attacks) sustains
public anxiety even if subsequent information proves the threat was over-hyped;
witness the near-panic atmosphere caused by the Duct Tape & Plastic
Sheeting Advisory earlier this year. When the advisory system is cranked up,
polls find Americans becoming more fearful that an attack is in the offing.
Imagine the response if there actually were another foreign-initiated terrorist
attack on American soil.
The
war on terrorism has become the centerpiece of the Bush presidency. Spending on
Homeland Security -- which some critics claim has been too modest -- is well
into the double digit billions. An April 16 "Department of Homeland
Security FY '03 Supplemental Funding Fact Sheet," announced that the
President had "authorized an additional $6.71 billion for the Department
of Homeland Security to support Departmental functions and domestic
counter-terrorism operations that have been activated as a part of Operation
Liberty Shield at the start of the war in Iraq." Approximately two thirds
of the money went "to offset the costs of Operation Liberty Shield"
and the balance was given to the airline industry "to help with costs
associated with enhancing the capabilities of the airline industry to combat
terrorism."
Operation
Liberty Shield was initiated prior to the invasion of Iraq because
"terrorists will attempt multiple attacks against U.S. and Coalition
targets worldwide in the event of a U.S.-led military campaign against Saddam
Hussein. A large volume of reporting across a range of sources, some of
which [my italics] are highly reliable, indicates that Al-Qaida probably
would attempt to launch terrorist attacks against U.S. interests claiming they
were defending Muslims or the 'Iraqi people' rather than Saddam Hussein's
regime." The invasion came and went, and there have been no terrorist
attacks.
One
day later, the Department of Homeland Security's Emergency Preparedness and
Response Directorate, aka FEMA, announced $165 million in grants to state and
local governments to help them "better prepare to respond to all hazards
preparedness activities and emergency management." Thousands of teachers
and healthcare workers have received layoff notices across the county and
unemployment continues to rise, yet the flow of money for homeland security
projects continues apace.
Recently,
Jonathan Tal, President of the Homeland Security Research Corporation, told me
that "It is not possible to defeat terrorism. Terrorism takes a couple of
loonies in a basement putting together a bomb or some other device. We can gain
a measure of defense against terrorists but we can not ever be
terrorism-proof."
David
McIntyre, Deputy Director of the ANSER Institute for Homeland Security and
former Dean of the National War College, writes in an Institute commentary
titled "Can We Breathe Now? Homeland Security for the Long Haul" that
in the same way that "crime, or disease or traffic accidents" are
part of the daily fabric of American life, so too must awareness that
"some degree of terrorist threat... be a permanent part" of the lives
of all Americans.
McIntyre
claims that threats from "future extremist groups... remain only one lucky
shot away from a very public success that they could trumpet worldwide to
demonstrate that 'terror is back.' We must continue to root them out, one at a
time, all over the world. This is going to take a while.
"Simultaneous
with addressing threats from outside the United States, we must also be ready
for disaffected domestic terrorists to act out their rage at society from time
to time. Where international terrorists have pointed the way, domestic
criminals will surely follow. We will have to secure our complex society from
disruption by twisted insiders for years to come... We need to stay the course
in the broad range of security improvements envisioned and begun by our
business and elected leaders nation-wide."
Both
McIntyre and Tal are staking their economic futures on the growth potential of
the Homeland Security industry, and it is against those interests that their
remarks should be weighed. But, whether you agree with their assessments or
not, they are among the new gurus of anti-terrorism staking out the terrain for
the administration.
Since
9/11, a timid Democratic Party -- combined with a media absorbed by the climate
of fear -- has enabled the Bush administration to initiate domestic policy
initiatives eviscerating civil liberties and a foreign policy agenda built on
unilateral pre-emptive strikes. Enhancing law enforcement's ability to combat
terror on the home front and insuring America's "safety" from international
"threats" has been wrapped in the garb of fighting the war on
terrorism.
Pundits
who envision a repeat of 1992 in 2004 -- when George H.W. Bush was defeated by
Bill Clinton -- are way off track. You'll remember that in 1991, President
Bush's popularity after the Persian Gulf War soared to Himalayan heights. At
the time it seemed inconceivable that he would lose the upcoming presidential
election. Yet a year later, with the country mired in recession, "It's the
economy stupid" resonated with voters and Bush suffered a humiliating
defeat.
At
the time, the Cold War was over, 9/11 had not yet occurred and there was no
talk of a protracted war on terrorism. This time around, however, the Bush
Administration intends that the war on terrorism be foremost in the minds of
voters when they enter the booth in November 2004.
The
ANSER Institute's David McIntyre recommends "we must run preparedness
exercises" to help "those who must prevent [terrorist] attacks and
respond to them." The media, many of whom remain intoxicated from being
embedded with U.S. and British combat troops during the invasion of Iraq, will
play a significant role as the "watchdog" over terrorism
preparedness, "observing whether state and local officials are exercising
frequently and whether the proper federal and private agencies are
involved."
Imagine
enterprising reporters standing in front of fire houses, power plants, water
systems, transportation centers, and warning the public that these places
remain unprotected from a terrorist attack. From Boise to Boston, Miami to
Medford, the public will be traumatized, resulting in calls for more money and
resources to be spent on homeland security.
As
the hoopla and administration-and-media-induced intoxication with
"Operation Iraqi Freedom" fades (and if there hasn't been an invasion
of Iran or Syria) Democrats will attempt to turn the nation's attention to the
economy. But if, as many economists suspect, the administration's economic plan
fails to stimulate a stalled economy, it still retains its most persuasive hole
card, embodied in that old saw about "not switching horses" -- in
this case Commanders in Chief -- in the middle of a permanent war on terrorism.
When
the Bush team marches into New York City in early September 2004 to hold its
convention -- and hangs around to get the most out of the third anniversary of
the 9/11 attacks -- the stage will be set for a short campaign built around
national security issues. If the voting public continues to buy into the
permanent war on terrorism, no matter how bad the economy gets George W. Bush
will be re-elected.
Bill
Berkowitz is a longtime observer of the conservative
movement. His WorkingForChange.com
column Conservative Watch documents the strategies, players, institutions,
victories and defeats of the American Right.