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The
Soldier is Evil, the Soldier is Israel
by
Amira Hass
April
3, 2003
Israel
has recently come out with a number of humanitarian gestures in the
territories, primarily the easing of conditions at checkpoints - such was the
announcement made to the United States, and such was the announcement made
Monday on one of the television news broadcasts.
Perhaps
these gestures were put into practice after last Thursday; and perhaps before
then, the Americans hadn't had the time to inform the commanders and soldiers
in eastern Nablus that they must now adopt a welcoming approach to the pregnant
woman who almost slips on the muddy slope, or to the elderly man who, on his
way home from the doctor in Nablus, climbs over the piles of asphalt fragments
that the Israel Defense Forces bulldozers have crushed.
Last
Thursday, someone from the village of Salem, east of Nablus, called and said
the soldiers had been holding "hundreds of people - women, adults and
children - for the past three hours" and were not allowing them to pass.
Rifles held at an angle of 60 degrees and fingers on the trigger make the soldiers'
intentions clear.
It's
almost standard practice, say residents of the three villages east of Nablus -
Salem, Dir al-Khateb and Azmut: An IDF force positions itself at the foot of
the hill of the new Askar refugee camp, alongside what was once a short asphalt
road that reaches the three villages and is now a mess of mud and piles of
torn-up tarmac. The force holds up people for no apparent reason, the residents
say, from both directions - from the west, to Nablus, or from the east, from
Nablus to the villages. The soldiers often force people to backtrack; and they
frequently accompany their actions with offensive speech and insults. Some even
use force.
A
military source was convinced that the directives are to check only that men
between the ages of 16 and 40 have permits from the Civil Administration to
move from the villages to Nablus and vice versa, and that there are no
intentions to prevent women, the elderly and children from passing through the
checkpoints. The reality on the ground is different: Without explanation and
without any apparent checks, the soldiers do indeed hold these people up - for
10 minutes, or an hour or two, and more, all day, twice a day - men and women.
This
is the only thoroughfare for these three villages, and it's only for
pedestrians (in fact, it's only for able-bodied pedestrians, as
life-threatening danger lurks for anyone who has even a little difficulty
walking). The sick and pregnant women also have to make the journey on foot,
and go through a series of explanations and attempts to persuade the soldiers
to allow them to continue to climb or wait for the ambulance that is slow to
arrive.
There
is no commercial way of ferrying agricultural produce and food to and from the
villages because there is no authorized thoroughfare for Palestinian vehicles -
contrary, by the way, to an explicit promise made by the IDF to the High Court
of Justice some two years ago in response to a petition against the closure
policy submitted by an association of doctors: The IDF promised that every
blocked and enclosed Palestinian community has a thoroughfare for direct
vehicle traffic. In practice, most villages are blocked to rapid movement of
emergency vehicles.
The
IDF is not honoring its promise to the High Court, and the soldiers are
operating contrary to what their commanders are promising to the media. At most
of the roadblocks that are manned by soldiers and include obstacles (mounds of
dirt or ditches designed to prevent vehicular traffic), alongside which army
patrols sometimes stop, the soldiers are adding to the institutionalized
difficulty - the fruits of a policy from above - and are improvising insults
and harassments of various kinds.
Assume
there are 300 such roadblocks and obstacles between the villages and cities.
Through some of them, a thousand people try to pass each day; through others,
10,000 - on foot, in the rain, and in the heat. Assume that each roadblock is
manned by between four and 10 soldiers. In other words, some 1,200-3,000
soldiers are positioned at these key points, in constant, daily friction with
20,000-100,000 Palestinian citizens at least.
A
few months after the outbreak of the bloody conflict, when commanders realized
the roadblocks were being accompanied by the personal addition of insults and
harassment, they tried to implement a system of internal checks, education and
information. One of them admitted a few months ago that this system had failed,
that there is in fact no way of preventing very many soldiers from coming up
with various personal methods of proving who is "the man" in the
field.
For
us, the Israelis, reports on routine harassment at roadblocks in particular,
and the distress of the closures in general, cannot be "news." It is
difficult even to describe in words the depressing, degrading topography of the
obstacles and roadblocks to those who keep out of the occupied territories. For
us, the Israelis, the soldiers are our brothers, and sons, and spouses and
neighbors.
The
answer is that they are afraid, that there are terror attacks, that every
pregnant woman could be a ticking bomb, that each child could be holding a
knife, that it is hot, cold, rainy and muggy, that they are longing for home.
It is difficult to imagine them as being cruel, heartless, just plain evil.
But
this is the picture they paint at the roadblocks, and this is the picture of
Israel. Even if the Palestinians are able to recognize the extraordinary
"good soldier," even if only one soldier in every four is abusive, he
is the one who determines what the day will be like. He is the one who is
etched in memory. He is Israel.
Amira Hass is an
award-winning Israeli journalist who lives in Ramalla in the West Bank. She is
author of Drinking the Sea At Gaza: Days and Nights In A Land Under Siege (Owl
Books, 2000). She writes for the Israeli daily Ha’artez, where this article
first appeared (http://www.haaretz.com/).