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Cheney's
Close Ties to Brown and Root
by
Pratap Chatterjee
March
23, 2003
Halliburton,
Brown and Root's parent company, is a Fortune 500 construction corporation
working primarily for the oil industry. From 1962 to 1972 the Pentagon paid the
company tens of millions of dollars to work in South Vietnam, where they built
roads, landing strips, harbors, and military bases from the demilitarized zone
to the Mekong Delta. The company was one of the main contractors hired to
construct the Diego Garcia air base in the Indian Ocean, according to Pentagon
military histories.
In
the early 1990s the company was awarded the job to study and then implement the
privatization of routine army functions under then-secretary of defense Dick
Cheney.
When
Cheney quit his Pentagon job, he landed the job of Halliburton's CEO, bringing
with him his trusted deputy David Gribbin. The two substantially increased
Halliburton's government business until they quit in 2000, once Cheney was
elected vice president. This included a $2.2 billion bill for a Brown and Root
contract to support US soldiers in Operation Just Endeavor in the Balkans.
After
Cheney and Gribbin departed, another confidante of Cheney, Admiral Joe Lopez,
former commander in chief for U.S. forces in southern Europe, took over
Gribbin's old job of go-between for the government and the company, according
to Brown and Root's own press releases.
In
2001 the company took in $13 billion in revenues, according to its latest
annual report. Currently, Brown and Root estimates it has $740 million in
existing U.S. government contracts (approximately 37 percent of its global
business).
For
example, in mid November 2001, Brown and Root was paid $2 million to reinforce
the U.S. embassy in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, under contract with the State
Department, according to the New York Times. More recently Brown and Root was
paid $16 million by the federal government to go to Guantnamo Bay, Cuba, to
build a 408-person prison for captured Taliban fighters, according to Pentagon
press releases.
That's
by no means all: Brown and Root employees can be found back home running support
operations from Fort Knox, Kentucky, to a naval base in El Centro, California,
according to company press releases.
In
December 2001, Brown and Root secured a 10-year deal named the Logistics Civil
Augmentation Program (LOGCAP), from the Pentagon, which has already been
estimated at $830 million.
Jennifer
Millerwise, a spokesperson for Cheney's office, denies that there was any
contact help from the White House.
"The
vice president did not discuss this with anybody from Halliburton or any
subsidiary of Halliburton. Nor does he comment on Halliburton's policies, since
he doesn't work there any more" she told CorpWatch.
Meanwhile
independent agencies are still skeptical about claimed financial savings from
contracting out military support operations. According to the Government
Accounting Office (GAO), a February 1997 study showed that a Brown and Root
operation in Bosnia estimated at $191.6 million when presented to Congress in
1996 had ballooned to $461.5 million a year later. All told this former
Yugoslavia contract has now cost the taxpayer $2.2 billion over the last
several years.
Examples
of overspending by contractors include flying plywood from the United States to
the Balkans at $85.98 a sheet and billing the army to pay its employees' income
taxes in Hungary.
A
subsequent GAO report, issued September 2000, showed that Brown and Root was
still taking advantage of the contract in the Balkans. Army commanders were
unable to keep track of the contract because they were typically rotated out of
camps after a six-month duration, erasing institutional memory, according to
the report.
The
GAO painted a picture of Brown and Root contract employees sitting idly most of
the time. The report also noted that a lot of staff time was spent doing
unnecessary tasks, such as cleaning offices four times a day.
Pentagon
officials were able to identify $72 million in cost savings on the Brown and
Root contract simply by eliminating excess power generation equipment that the
company had purchased for the operation.
Brown
and Root has been also been investigated for over billing the government in its
domestic operations. In February 2002, Brown and Root paid out $2 million to
settle a suit with the Justice Department that alleged the company defrauded
the government during the mid-1990s closure of Fort Ord in Monterey,
California.
The
allegations in the case surfaced several years ago when Dammen Gant Campbell, a
former contracts manager for Brown and Root turned whistle-blower, charged that
between 1994 and 1998 the company fraudulently inflated project costs by
misrepresenting the quantities, quality, and types of materials required for
224 projects. Campbell said the company submitted a detailed "contractors
pricing proposal" from an army manual containing fixed prices for some
30,000 line items.
Once
the proposal was approved, the company submitted a more general "statement
of work," which did not contain a breakdown of items to be purchased.
Campbell maintained the company intentionally did not deliver many items listed
in the original proposal. The company defended this practice by claiming the
statement of work was the legally binding document, not the original
contractors pricing proposal.
"Whether
you characterize it as fraud or sharp business practices, the bottom line is
the same: the government was not getting what it paid for," says Michael
Hirst, of the United States Attorney's Office in Sacramento, who litigated the
suit on behalf of the government. "We alleged that they exploited the
contracting process and increased their profits at the governments
expense."
Pratap Chatterjee is an
investigative journalist based in Berkeley, California. He traveled to
Afghanistan and Uzbekistan in January 2002 and to Incirlik, Turkey, in January
2003 to research this article. Email: pchatterjee@igc.org.
This article first appeared in CorpWatch (www.corpwatch.org), posted with author’s
permission.
* Related Article by Pratap Chatterjee: Halliburton
Makes a Killing on Iraq War: Cheney's Former Company Profits from Supporting
Troops