Healthcare
Reveals Real "Conservative" Agenda –
Drown
Democracy In A Bathtub
by
Thom Hartmann
Dissident Voice
February 25, 2003
They're
hoping Americans won't notice.
Indeed, in late February a
"senior administration official" presented The New York Times with a
masterpiece of obfuscation and avoidance of responsibility. Speaking of the
administration's plans to push users of Medicare and Medicaid into the hands of
for-profit corporations, this "official" said, "We're looking at
two programs that have worked, that have provided health coverage to people who
need it, and we want to help them work better."
Ted Kennedy was more
straightforward in his objection to the Bush scheme. "Medicare is a firm
commitment to every elderly American," Kennedy said, "not a profit
center for H.M.O.s and other private insurance plans."
Robin Toner and Robert Pear
of The New York Times wrote in an understated tone that, "The magnitude of
the Bush proposals is only gradually dawning on members of Congress."
It's also dawning on
mainstream Americans.
When you look closely, you
discover that what so many are calling the "conservative agenda"
would be shocking and alien to historic conservatives like Republicans Teddy
Roosevelt, Dwight Eisenhower, and Barry Goldwater. It really has nothing to do
with conservative or liberal, left or right, war or peace. It doesn't care
about abortion, prayer, or flags, although these are useful props to bring in
fringe groups to "fill the big tent." It's not even about liberty,
freedom, or prosperity.
Today's so-called
"conservative agenda" is, very simply, about ownership.
Specifically, ownership of
the assets of the United States of America - things previously owned by
"We, The People." And, ultimately, ownership of the United States
government itself.
Here's how it works.
In a democracy there are
some things we all own together.
Often referred to as
"the commons," they include the necessities and commonalities of
life: our air, water, septic systems, transportation routes, educational
systems, radio and TV spectrums, and, in every developed nation in the world
except America, the nation's health care system.
But the most important of
the commons in a democracy is the government itself.
The Founders' idea of a
democratic republic was to create a common institution owned by its own
citizens, answerable to its own citizens, and authorized to exist and continue
existing solely "by the consent of the governed."
And make no mistake - it's
democracy itself that is today at risk.
As the prescient Chief
Justice of Wisconsin's Supreme Court, Edward G. Ryan said ominously in his 1873
speech to the graduating class of the University of Wisconsin Law School,
"[There] is looming up a new and dark power... the enterprises of the
country are aggregating vast corporate combinations of unexampled capital,
boldly marching, not for economical conquests only, but for political power...
The question will arise and arise in your day, though perhaps not fully in
mine, which shall rule - wealth or man; which shall lead - money or intellect;
who shall fill public stations - educated and patriotic freemen, or the feudal
serfs of corporate capital...."
We're entering a new and
unknown, but hauntingly familiar, era. The Bush plans to privatize parts of
Medicare are just one thread in the larger fabric of this "new world
order."
It's new because it
represents a virtual abandonment of the egalitarian and democratic archetypes
the founders of the United States put into place in our Constitution and Bill
of Rights. And it's hauntingly familiar because it resembles in many ways one
of the most stable and long-term of all social structures to have ever established
itself in the modern history of civilization: feudalism.
Feudalism doesn't refer to a
point in time or history when streets were filled with mud and people lived as
peasants (although that was sometimes the case). Instead, it refers to an
economic and political system, just like "democracy" or
"communism" or "socialism" or "theocracy."
In a feudal state, power is
held by those who own the greatest wealth. At its essential core, feudalism
could be defined as "government of, by, and for the rich."
Marc Bloch is one of the
great 20th Century scholars of the feudal history of Europe. In his book Feudal
Society he points out that feudalism is a fracturing of one authoritarian
hierarchical structure into another: the state disintegrates, as unelected but
wealthy power brokers take over.
In almost every case, both
with European feudalism and feudalism in China, South America, and Japan, Bloch
notes that "feudalism coincided with a profound weakening of the State,
particularly in its protective capacity." Given most accepted definitions
of feudalism, feudal societies don't emerge in civilizations with a strong
social safety net and a proactive government.
There is a slight debate, in
that some scholars like Benjamin Guérard say feudalism must be land-based,
whereas Jacques Flach and others suggest the structure of power and obligation
is the key. But the consensus is that when the wealthiest in a society take
over government and then weaken it so it no longer can represent the interests
of the people, the transition has begun into a new era of feudalism.
"European feudalism should therefore be seen as the outcome of the violent
dissolution of older societies," Bloch says.
Whether the power and wealth
agent that takes the place of government is a local baron, lord, king, or
corporation, if it has greater power in the lives of individuals than does a
representative government, the culture has dissolved into feudalism. Bluntly,
Bloch states: "The feudal system meant the rigorous economic subjection of
a host of humble folk to a few powerful men."
This doesn't mean the end of
government, but, instead the subordination of government to the interests of
the feudal lords. Interestingly, even in Feudal Europe, Bloch points out,
"The concept of the State never absolutely disappeared, and where it
retained the most vitality, men continued to call themselves 'free'..."
The transition from a
governmental society to a feudal one is marked by the rapid accumulation of
power and wealth in a few hands, with a corresponding reduction in the power
and responsibilities of government. Once the rich and powerful gain control of
the government, they turn it upon itself, usually first eliminating its
taxation process as it applies to themselves. Says Bloch: "Nobles need not
pay taille [taxes]."
Bringing this to today,
consider that in 1982, just before the Reagan-Bush "supply side" tax
cut, the average wealth of the Forbes 400 was $200 million. Just four years
later, their average wealth was $500 million each, aided by massive tax cuts.
Today, those 400 people own wealth equivalent to one-eighth of the entire gross
domestic product (GDP) of the United States.
And those who would take
over the government of the United States have a specific plan for how to do it.
It begins with tax cuts, which are then followed by handing government-mandated
services over to private corporations.
Tax cuts are not just about
kowtowing to the Nobles of the new conservative feudal state. Although that
happens, the most important function of tax cuts is to deprive government of
oxygen.
The result is that the
government must then turn to private corporations - the new feudal lords - to
administer the commons. This shift of the commons ranges from the commons of
health care for the elderly to the commons of the vote, as we're seeing now
with private corporations linked to hard-right Republicans taking over the
election systems of states like Georgia, Florida, and Texas.
According to hard-right
Republicans, killing off government to make way for corporate rule is truly at
the core of the so-called "conservative agenda." For example, the
lead cheerleader for Bush's tax-cutting fervor is a man named Grover Norquist,
well known to every politician in Washington.
"I don't want to
abolish government," Norquist told National Public Radio's Mara Liasson in
a May 25, 2001 Morning Edition interview. "I simply want to reduce it to
the size where I can drag it into the bathroom and drown it in the bathtub."
At first, gullible
politicians and voters thought drowning a democratic government in the bathtub
was, at worse, just another way for big business to make more money. It might
even make some of the functions of government more efficient, they thought,
even though any benefits of that efficiency would be turned over to
stockholders and CEOs rather than the broader public that uses the commons.
Take over power plants and
water systems built with tax dollars, privatize hospitals built with tax
dollars, run private prisons with tax dollars, auction off the airwaves to
for-profit enterprises. It built empires, like Bill Frist's vast hospital
fortune, and made wealth more of a politically defining factor than party
affiliation.
It is corporatism, to use
Mussolini's word (which he later renamed "fascism"): "a merging
of corporate and state interests." It's simply the modern version of
feudalism.
The greatest force promoting
corporatism in America is the mistaken interpretation of the court reporter's
headnotes in the 1886 Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad case
before the Supreme Court. That mistaken interpretation granted human rights to
corporations, thus enabling them to use "free speech" to buy
politicians and thus strike down laws against corporate political activity.
But there's a movement
growing across America to rescue democracy from the conservatives' bathtub.
Communities have passed
resolutions and laws denying corporate personhood, and cases like Kasky v. Nike
are showing up before the Supreme Court that may bring these questions into the
open. And, perhaps most important, the naked corporate grab of government in an
administration made almost entirely of corporate CEOs, is being outed.
America's largest
progressive talk radio network, broadcast from Alaska to Florida and available
on the web at www.ieamericaradio.com, runs 12 hours of programming a day that
openly discusses these issues, and regularly attacks "the Bush Crime
Family." Radio stations across the nation are starting to seek out progressive
programming, with AnShell Media developing a new progressive talk radio
network, and even the right-wing bastion Fox announcing this week that they've
syndicated the moderate democrat Alan Colmes with a talk show in a handful of
the largest of America's radio markets.
Unions - the traditional
defenders of working-class people - are becoming politically active and
pointing out that all people who draw a paycheck, be they blue- or white-collar
workers, are suffering from the new American feudalism. Check out www.uaw.org
and www.aflcio.org for an extraordinary insight into how clear America's unions
have become in their understanding of the true neo-conservative agenda, and how
it can be challenged.
Hopefully one day soon such
open plain speaking may even reach the website of the party founded by Thomas
Jefferson, although for now the activist-run www.democrats.com site far
outstrips the Party's www.democrats.org for clarity, purpose, and political
momentum.
Perhaps, as Leonard Cohen
sings, "Democracy is coming to the USA." If so, while the opportunity
is still available to us, this nation's citizens must listen, join, share,
read, campaign, and enlighten others. It will be no small effort to roll back
the damage done by the so-called conservative feudalists, but if we are to
bring democracy back to the land of its modern rebirth we must awaken, step
forth, and speak out.
Thom Hartmann is the author of Unequal Protection:
The Rise of Corporate Dominance and the Theft of Human Rights (www.unequalprotection.com)
and (www.thomhartmann.com)
. This article is copyright by Thom Hartmann, but permission is granted for
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