by Will Youmans
October 12, 2002
In 1989
Benjamin Netanyahu told students at Bar-Ilan University:
"Israel should have exploited the repression of the
demonstrations in China, when world attention focused on that country, to carry
out mass expulsions among the Arabs of the territories."
Many commentators and the Palestinian public in general are
worried that the Israeli government will not miss the opportunity with
impending war on Iraq.
Around one hundred Israeli academics wrote a letter warning
that talk of transfer, a sanitized term for ethnic cleansing, is increasing
within mainstream political discourse in Israel. The letter warned that the
"Israeli ruling coalition includes parties that promote 'transfer' of the
Palestinian population as a solution to what they call 'the demographic
problem'".
It cited a recent interview in Ha'aretz, by
chief of staff Moshe Ya'alon. He discussed the possible need for a special
"treatment" in the occupied territories. Prime minister Sharon
supported his "assessment of reality." The letter also mentioned
that, "escalating racist demagoguery" in Israel "may indicate
the scope of the crimes that are possibly being contemplated."
In August, 2002, Ali Abunimah published an expose on Gamla,
"a group founded by former Israeli military officers and settlers."
Its website featured a technical paper entitled "The Logistics
of Transfer," which calls for
Israel to ethnically cleanse all of the Palestinian territories as "the
only possible solution." Besides offering instructional suggestions, it
provides a theological justification for those not convinced by the political
rationale.
More mainstream voices have considered it in disturbingly
acquiescent tones.
On October 3rd, the Guardian featured an
essay by the
prominent Israeli historian Benny Morris on the history of the concept of transfer as a political
tool in Israel-Palestine. Morris seemed to also write this in response to the
more frequent discussion of transfer as an option. He cited "Shmuel
Eliahu, the chief rabbi of Safad" who "called for the transfer, to
'Jordan, the Muslim republics of the former Soviet Union, or Canada,' of Arabs
who are unwilling to accept Israel as a Jewish state."
He points out that as shocking as this may seem, even Arab
and British officials once considered transfer an acceptable political
necessity. He quotes a few private statements of Jordanian and Iraqi officials
to that effect.
Morris
is warming us up to the idea to the idea of transfer. Since it was a historical
option, his essay suggests, it may make sense now. He speculates, "perhaps
today's Middle East would be a healthier, less violent place" if Israel
had dispossessed all of the Palestinians in 1947-48, as opposed to only the
"700,000 of Palestine's 1.25 million Arab inhabitants."
He wrote that ethnic purity would have been the
"historically calming result." The logical and unstated conclusion is
that the opportunity to achieve purity still remains. Thus the article leaves
as its end where it started: that transfer is an option.
That a highly revered historian who helped tarnish Israel's
founding myth that the Palestinian refugees were self-created now flirts with
ethnic cleansing so comfortably proves that ethnic cleansing is becoming
increasingly accepted as an acceptable route in the Israel-Palestinian
conflict.
If Israel plans on displacing Palestinians during the campaign
against Iraq, it will be carefully implemented in order to not upset American
designs on Iraq. Premeditated plans in the absence of an overt pretense would
be piecemeal - Israel's long preferred way of shifting populations. After all,
hundreds of thousands of refugees pouring into Jordan may force Jordanian
officials to disallow American use of Jordanian airfields, for example.
Displacement en masse could happen after Iraq falls.
Observers have speculated that western Iraq may provide a place for Israel to
expel Palestinians to. It would give Israel somewhere to dump the Palestinians
and would happen after Iraq's chemical arsenal had been fully disarmed.
Transfer could also appear to be a natural response to a
"mega-terrorist" attack or if Saddam Hussein launches enough missiles
at Israel.
The probable starting point for a program of ethnic cleansing would center on the new security wall complex Israel is building in and through the outskirts of the West Bank. With a 5-6 meter-high fence, trenches, mine fields, a sand patch to detect footprints, watchtowers, and an electrified fence, this complex will snake around the inner portions of the Palestinian side of green-line. So far, 43 miles of it has been built. In the end it will run the entire length of Israel's de facto border with the West Bank (a map of the project is available at B'Tselem's website).
The long and winding complex drops deep into parts of the
West Bank in order to bring settlements into the Israeli side of the wall. So
far, 10,000 Palestinians in 8 towns and villages have also fallen on the
west-side of the wall, separated from the rest of the West Bank, according to a
report by the Israel human rights group B'Tselem. Also, "thirty-five
Palestinian families residing along the northern edge of Bethlehem are expected
to remain on the northern side of the barrier in south Jerusalem, due to the
decision to include Rachel's tomb inside the barrier."
Besides the fact that this impinges on Palestinian lands,
involves the bulldozing of homes and farmlands, separates families, violates
the basic rights of mobility and work, and further disjoints Palestinian
rootedness in the land, it leaves in limbo the fate of over ten thousand
Palestinians. They could be the most attractive targets for ethnic cleansing.
On a practical level, all of Israel's security mechanisms,
from the checkpoints, curfews, and closures, to this new wall, regard all
Palestinians as potential terrorists. Given the broadness of most of these
arrangements, will Israel really allow over 10,000 Palestinians to remain on
the other side of this wall? The wall complex is immensely popular in Israel
and moves to bolster its efficacy will be well received by most Israelis.
Israeli officials know that it will give the Palestinians
even more to be angry about. The Financial Times reported that
farmers have lost direct access to their fields, people's homes have been
commandeered for military use, and schools and other edifices have been
demolished just for being too close to the wall complex's vicinity.
At a deeper level, Israeli officials across the ideological
spectrum read the Palestinians as a demographic threat. That is, by their very
existence Palestinians challenge Israel's dominant historical mythology. They
are the noxious footnote to Zionism's colonizing slogan that declared Palestine
"a land without people for a people without a land."
However, the extent of any forthcoming ethnic cleansing is
indeterminable. It could be limited to the more than 10,000 Palestinians who
escaped containment by Israel's wall security complex, or it could be the
"full-fledged ethnic cleansing" the 100 Israeli academics warn of.
Further ethnic cleansing is a realistic possibility given
the centrality of transfer in Israel's history. Benny Morris affirms what every
Palestinian knows: "The idea of transfer is as old as modern Zionism and
has accompanied its evolution and praxis during the past century." Other
circumstances point to transfer as well: Israel is in an economic and political
crisis, the ruling coalition is made up of parties calling for transfer, Sharon
is running out of ideas and his raison d'etre is not peaceful diplomacy but
military action premised on Israel's security obsession.
Like the massacre at Tiananmen Square, the next war on Iraq
may be a period of relaxed international scrutiny of Israel's actions. Already
we have seen Israel use the wake of the September 11th attacks to enhance its
operations against the Palestinians by extending and aggrandizing its violent
incursions into Palestinian populations. Sharon's comment that "the
concern now is not about a few Scud missiles, but suicide bombers
everywhere" offers no solace.
The contemporary path to the moment of transfer is paved
with Israel's recent expulsions of the Palestinian fighters who were in the
Church of Nativity, and families of suicide bombers. Reports that Iraq
facilitates suicide bombs and would encourage them more in the event of an
attack further links the war on Iraq with Israeli security. When combined with Israel's
security premise that all Palestinians are potential terrorists, this formula
hints at the Palestinian "demographic threat" that once left Golda
Meir sleepless at night and now serves as the subject of obsession for Israeli
conferences and nervous policy analysts.
The Israeli academics' letter calls for "the
international community to pay close attention to events that unfold within
Israel and in the occupied territories." International activists must
"make it absolutely clear that crimes against humanity will not be
tolerated." It also recommends, "concrete measures to prevent such
crimes from taking place."
Anti-war activities should include messages to this effect.
Anytime an Israeli spokesperson takes questions, they should be asked about
this. This idea must enter into the media via op/eds, letters, and so on.
Confront and deluge congressional representatives with this suspicion. The goal
should be to force Israeli spokespeople to take a position now and to recognize
that the world will be watching them. Activists should establish our own
preemptive doctrine. Let's act now, and not react after Israel has established
new facts on the ground.
Will
Youmans is a 3rd year law student at University of
California, Berkeley.
Email:
youmans@boalthall.berkeley.edu