That Disagree
With Him
by Ralph Nader
December 22,
2002
George W. Bush
has this thing about laws -- domestic or international -- that disagree with
him. He likes to operate outside their embrace or withdraw from them or try to
repeal them. It is not just personal -- as when he costs taxpayers millions to
pay for his political trips on Air Force One before elections -- it also
involves the health, and safety of Americans and people abroad.
Bob Woodward
relates in his new book on Bush and war that the President admits to being a
black and white person who makes decisions from his gut. A dubious enough
personality type for a football coach, this trait raises serious concerns when
imbedded in the commander-in-chief of the most powerful arsenal on Earth.
Consider what
this gut instinct has done to our constitutional framework and the tenuous
architecture of international law. Earlier this year, Bush launched an all out
offensive on Congress to have it selectively surrender its exclusive
constitutional authority to declare war against Iraq. Despite heroic efforts
from legislators led by Senator Robert Byrd (D-WV), Congress supinely gave up
its war-making power to the White House.
Jefferson,
Madison, Adams and company had distinct reasons for refusing to lodge this
power in the Presidency and instead wanted many legislators in open session to
make this awesome decision. They did not want another King George emerging with
this single-power launching war.
Throughout the
year 2002, Bush made no secret of his desire to unilaterally overthrow the
Iraqi dictatorial regime (called "regime change"). But the opinion
polls were unflagging; the American people in sizable majorities did not want
the U.S. to go it alone.
OK said Mr.
Bush; he'll go to the UN and have the Security Council resume a rigorous
inspection process in Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. The other nations
then insisted that if Iraq materially breaches the UN resolution, the U.S.
would go back to the Security Council for any further action. Yet Bush made it
clear that if the UN did not act, the U.S., and its very few allies, would do
so unilaterally.
It should be
noted that in responding to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990, Bush's more
deliberative father, then President Bush, first asked the UN for a resolution,
then asked Congress, after the November elections not before as did his son,
for its approval the following January.
Treaties that
deal with arms control or a real weapon of mass destruction called global
warming are irritants to our White House-based west Texas sheriff. The Bush
Administration has rejected the Kyoto Protocol on climate change, declined to
support the small arms treaty, the land mines treaty and the verification
protocol for the Biological Weapons Convention. Mr. Bush refuses to submit the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty for ratification by the Senate which rejected it
under President Clinton. There are other similar avoidances.
Even in the area
of health, Mr. Bush is indifferent. The International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights, which 130 countries have signed, has not received
Mr. Bush's willingness to send it to the Senate for ratification. What is
objectionable about the Covenant is that it has a "right to health"
within its terms, along with steps to attain this right to health incumbent on
signatory nations. The U.S. is the only western democracy without universal
health care.
Perhaps no other
area of American law has aroused more anger, pre-9/11 -- in Mr. Bush's mind
than the American civil justice system which enables wrongfully injured
children and adults to sue, among other parties,the President's corporate
friends when they sell dangerous or defective products.
As Governor of
Texas and as President, Bush has wanted to limit corporate compensation for
unlimited injuries, take away the authority of the states and put it in
Washington, D.C. and federally tie the hands of state judges and juries who are
the only ones who hear and see the evidence in trials. Note, however, none of
his so-called "tort reforms" would take away the right of
corporations to sue people or other companies.
It is the daily
behavior of this one-track President that is irritating even the usually
compliant White House press corp. Day after day, his repetitively belligerent
sound bites and his unrevealed "intelligence" declarations about Iraq
have been wearing thin. A Los Angeles Times poll on December 17th found that
seventy two percent of respondents, including sixty percent of Republicans,
"said the President has not provided enough evidence to justify starting a
war with Iraq."
On October 11th,
the Washington Post reported that the former military commander for the Middle
East, retired Marine Gen. Anthony C, Zinni, is opposed "to a U.S.-led
invasion of Iraq." Zinni believes Iraq is already contained and that the
U.S. has other priorities in the Middle East. Adding that General Zinni is
"widely respected in the U.S. Military," the Post concludes its
report by saying that a retired three-star General said that Zinni's concerns
"are widely shared by many in the leadership of the military but aren't
universal."
There are few
doubts, however, among the covey of "chicken hawks" surrounding Mr.
Bush. These men, including Vice President Dick Cheney, supported the Vietnam
War in the Sixties but wanted other Americans to do the fighting.
There is not
much time before Mr. Bush declares a war with scenarios far more costly,
harmful and devastating then the "cake-walk" scenario that is the
premise of Mr. Bush's airborne electronic posse. It could be a war fraught with
severe longer term "blowback" impacts on the U.S. and one that could
seriously affect the economy, as Yale Professor Nordhaus warned recently in the
New York Review of Books.
It is testimony
to the inherent sense of the American people that, even in the midst of the
Bush propaganda barrage, when asked if they would support a U.S. unilateral
invasion, with large civilian casualities in Iraq, and significant casualties
among our military personnel, a large majority says no.
More Americans
are wondering why Bush wants peaceful dialogue with a North Korea that has more
advanced arms, yet seeks war with a contained, weakened and surrounded Iraq?
But then, when decisions are made in the gut, such inconsistencies can bound.
Ralph Nader is
America’s leading consumer advocate. He is the founder of numerous public
interest groups including Public Citizen, and has twice run for President as a Green
Party candidate. His latest book is Crashing
the Party: How to Tell the Truth and Still Run for President (St. Martin’s
Press, 2002)