Our Homegrown “Madrasahs” |
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Much
has been made of the deplorable state of education that exists in Pakistan's
foreign-aided, private Islamic schools known as madrasahs. There are an estimated 8,000 officially
registered and another 25,000 unregistered madrasahs in Pakistan. Almost one million young males attend these
schools, a majority of them from impoverished indigenous and Afghan refugee
families, and a smaller, though not insignificant number of them orphans.
(1)
For most of these families and their male offspring, this is the closest thing
they will ever have to a formal education.
And for the orphans, many of them Afghans, the madrasah is the closest
thing to a home, with shelter, three daily meals, and nurturing provided free.
The deplorable
state of these private schools stems largely from three conditions: the denial
of a well-grounded, universal education provided by qualified instructors, the
exclusion of females, and the emphasis on Wahhabi Islam to the exclusive of any
other interpretations of Islam. The
womanless environment of these schools may explain in part the misogyny of the
Taliban; a majority of its leadership and many of its warriors are alumni of
the Pakistani madrasahs. Young boys are
directed by a teacher, a white-turbaned maulvi, who often lacks any pedagogical
credentials but compensates for this shortcoming with a fanatical zeal for the
faith. Pashto and Urdo-speaking boys
are compelled to read the Qu'ran and Hadith in Arabic, a language they neither
speak nor comprehend. Learning is by rote,
and often consumes up to twelve hours a day, with one hour for martial arts as
the only means of physical education. In most of these schools, the only subject matters studied are the
Qu'ran, al-sharia (Islamic law), and the teachings of the Prophet, the
Hadith. "There is no instruction
in math, science, geography, current events, or history beyond the Muslim world."
(2) The schools' narrow curricula derives from Saudi Arabia, the primary
exporter of a puritanical and intolerant brand of Islam known as Wahhabism --
the brand of Islam practiced by Osama bin Laden and the Taliban -- thus making
the madrasahs among the world's worst practitioners of educational malfeasance.
While the poor
state of education in the Pakistani madrasahs calls out for international
assistance and reform, we would be remiss to ignore the sectarian schools in
America, indeed our homegrown madrasahs.
I should know, I taught in one for nearly five years.
Judaic Studies
Drown Out Secular Education
While a number
of American Christian fundamentalist private schools perpetuate a narrow
curricula and sectarian group identity, my primary focus is on the Orthodox
Jewish day schools for two reasons: first, having taught in one, I have
firsthand experience with such schools, and second, unlike Christian
fundamentalist schools, Orthodox Jewish day schools strongly link themselves to
a foreign state, Israel.
First and
foremost, I must clarify that while various strains of militant Orthodoxy and
religious Zionism exist in a number of American Orthodox Jewish day schools,
they are not nearly as isolated from a liberal education as the Pakistani
madrasahs. Nor do they instill a
tolerance for violence and xenophobia.
Nonetheless, disturbing parallels exist. Both types of schools instill an absolute, strict interpretation
of religious doctrine and an adherence to a literal reading of their respective
sacred texts. Both display contempt
for and distrust of modernity, liberalism, pluralism, and secularism. Both encourage some form of misogyny. Both types of schools serve as feeder belts
to extremist elements - madrasahs provide warriors for the Taliban and Orthodox
Jewish schools churn out fanatical settlers.
The Orthodox
Jewish day school where I taught high school social studies -- what was part of
the separate, secular studies curricula known as "general studies" --
is considered one of the more liberal of the Orthodox Jewish day schools in
South Florida. Evolution is taught in
the science classes; co-ed classes exist, starting with the ninth grade; non-Orthodox
Jewish students attend classes; and a memorial was held in honor of the late
Israeli Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin, much to the annoyance of many in the
community. However, it became evident
that with each succeeding graduation ceremony I attended -- when graduates
heaped praise on their Judaic teachers to the near total exclusion of the
secular staff -- the secular curricula primarily existed to meet state
accreditation requirements and little else.
All of the secular staff's efforts to instill a humanistic,
multi-dimensional education were overwhelmed by the pressures of religious
dogma and ethnic-tribal identity that was openly encouraged by young, militant
rabbis and female Judaic instructors.
Few events brought that militancy to a crescendo like the flare up of
the al-Aqsa intifada.
Brimming
Beneath the Surface
From August
1996 until September 2000, to favor the Oslo peace process while teaching at an
Orthodox Jewish day school was akin to walking on eggshells. And to advocate justice and statehood for the
Palestinians was to commit employment suicide.
Thus, such opinions had to be bottled up and shared with only a trusted
few secular staff members. (3) An
overwhelming majority of the rabbis and female Judaic instructors professed
deep dissatisfaction with the Oslo Peace Accords.
The
pro-expulsion group was led by a number younger, more militant rabbis -- the
frum Black Hats (4) -- and included among their ranks were members of Young Israel,
a particularly militant religious Zionist movement. (5)
Teaching in an
Orthodox Jewish day school is no piece of cake, especially in one located just
blocks north of South Beach -- the sun-soaked, hedonistic capital of
America. A mixture of Jewish teens from
secular and observant households, boys and girls, increased the tensions that
mark American Judaism. (6) But for all
of the divisions among American Jews, nothing unifies them like a perceived
threat to Israel's existence. And
nothing cracks up that unity like the threat of peace with the Palestinians.
It was
especially difficult as a social studies teacher to witness the difficulty
Orthodox Jews had with the threat of peace in Palestine. The peace they mostly favored was one of
submission to Israeli hegemony or better, the "voluntary" transfer of
the "Arabs" into other Arab lands.
From August 1996 to September 2000, most of tensions at the Academy
derived from battles over Jewish identity, the "who is a Jew?"
controversy. However, sporadic
opposition to Oslo was expressed. On
average, the school held three-to-four assemblies per year devoted to
right-wing opponents of the peace process.
Invited guest speakers exclusively consisted of representatives from
AIPAC, the ultra-Orthodox community, and right-wing Israelis.
One People,
One Viewpoint, One Land
There was
never any effort to listen to, learn from, or understand any Palestinian
perspective, no matter how moderate or accommodating. The ground work was laid for the most militant, intolerant brand
of religious Zionism, even among the secular students. And as their social studies teacher, this issue
was verboten. No official requests to
avoid this topic were made; however, it was understood that the Israel-Palestine
matter was better left to the Judaic staff.
When the
al-Aqsa intifada erupted, whatever restraints remained were removed. "I
hate all Arabs," said one senior as she asked me to evaluate her college admissions
essay that defended the maximum Zionist position. "I hate Arabs. I
know its wrong to generalize, but with Arabs, I make an exception," said a
male senior said during American government.
"You have to beat these people [Palestinians] with a stick, that's
all they understand," an ultra-Orthodox rabbi confided to a
colleague. "We should expel them,
simply make them leave," another rabbi insisted. "Barak, just like Rabin, is either stupid or a
traitor," one 11th grader for whom Ehud Barak was his distant uncle, quipped.
Another
bizarre matter was the phenomenon of "flipping." Often, Modern Orthodox, and in rare cases,
Reform parents who sent their children to Israeli yeshivot for a year prior to
college saw their kids return back to the States "as haredim full of
censure at any perceived compromise."
One such male graduate from a household of prominent attorneys came back
replete with black hat, beard, peyes, and tzitzis. Other students delighted the rabbis with ba'alei teshuva, a
return to faith. The greater the
religious intensity of these youngsters, the greater was their distaste for
compromise with the detested Palestinians.
Looking in the
Mirror
The Pakistani
madrasahs leave much to be desired. But
we would be remiss if our concern is not raised over the growing sectarianism
of America's Orthodox Jewish day schools that provide shock troops for the
Israeli right-wing settler movement.
The likes of Alan Goodman, Baruch Goldstein, Yitzhak Ginsburg, and Harry
Shapiro were all products of such schools. (7)
America's 400,000 Orthodox Jews wield a tremendous amount of power in
Israel thanks in no small measure to the Likud Party's cultivation of this
source of reliable shock troops for the goal of a Greater Israel. However, the wellspring of this groups'
fierce commitment to Israel is located in the classrooms and auditoriums of the
Orthodox day school system.
When Americans judge the Pakistani madrasahs, we stand before a mirror that reminds us that some of our sectarian religious schools eerily parallel those schools.
Michael
Lopez-Calderon is a high school teacher and activist based in Miami, Florida.
E-mail:
Agrippa727@cs.com
1) One
report in U.S. News and World Report stated: "Pakistan's
madrasahs may be grooming as many as 4.5 million budding mujahideen." Philip Smucker and Michael Satchell,
"Hearts and Minds," U.S. News and World Report, October
15, 2001, p28.
2) Ibid.,
p28. Smucker and Satchell report cases
in which madrasah pupils were unaware that men had walked the surface of the
moon.
3)
Approximately forty percent of the staff consists of non-Jews, and a majority
of them secretly sided with me on the issue of Palestinian statehood.
4) Frum is
Hebrew for a rigorously observant male.
5) One
such rabbi wrote an op-ed for the Jewish Journal in which he defended the late
Rabbi Meir Kahane: "Kahanne delivered a message to the post-Holocaust
generation to reject the image of the weak and vulnerable Jew:"Jewish
people can and will protect their own, no matter where Jews might be"
(Rabbi Donald Bixon, "Kahane Article Failed to Make Distinction," Jewish
Journal, January 16, 2001, p18).
The rabbi's line about Jews defending themselves no matter where they
live raises a troubling question: He is prepared to countenance vigilante
violence in the United States?
6) For two
excellent explorations of this tension, see Samuel G. Freedman, Jew vs.
Jew: The Struggle for the Soul of American Jewry (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 2000) and Arthur Hertzberg and Aron Hirt-Manheimer, Jews: The Essence
and Character of a People (New York: HarperCollins, 1998).
7) See
Freedman, Jew vs. Jew, p171. Alan Goodman
opened fire on Muslims worshipping at the Dome of the Rock; Baruch Goldstein
was the architect of the February 25, 1994 Hebron massacre; Yitzhak Ginsburg
published a memorial to Goldstein; and Harry Shapiro planted a pipe bomb in a
Jacksonville, Florida synagogue in February 1997 in protest of a visit by
Shimon Peres.
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