This Looming War
Isn't About Chemical Warheads
or Human Rights: It's About Oil
I was sitting on
the floor of an old concrete house in the suburbs of Amman this week, stuffing
into my mouth vast heaps of lamb and boiled rice soaked in melted butter. The
elderly, bearded, robed men from Maan – the most Islamist and disobedient city
in Jordan – sat around me, plunging their hands into the meat and soaked rice,
urging me to eat more and more of the great pile until I felt constrained to
point out that we Brits had eaten so much of the Middle East these past 100
years that we were no longer hungry. There was a muttering of prayers until an
old man replied. "The Americans eat us now," he said.
Through the open
door, where rain splashed on the paving stones, a sharp east wind howled in
from the east, from the Jordanian and Iraqi deserts. Every man in the room
believed President Bush wanted Iraqi oil. Indeed, every Arab I've met in the
past six months believes that this – and this alone – explains his enthusiasm
for invading Iraq. Many Israelis think the same. So do I. Once an American
regime is installed in Baghdad, our oil companies will have access to 112
billion barrels of oil. With unproven reserves, we might actually end up
controlling almost a quarter of the world's total reserves. And this
forthcoming war isn't about oil?
The US
Department of Energy announced at the beginning of this month that by 2025, US
oil imports will account for perhaps 70 per cent of total US domestic demand.
(It was 55 per cent two years ago.) As Michael Renner of the Worldwatch
Institute put it bleakly this week, "US oil deposits are increasingly
depleted, and many other non-Opec fields are beginning to run dry. The bulk of
future supplies will have to come from the Gulf region." No wonder the
whole Bush energy policy is based on the increasing consumption of oil. Some 70
per cent of the world's proven oil reserves are in the Middle East. And this
forthcoming war isn't about oil?
Take a look at
the statistics on the ratio of reserve to oil production – the number of years
that reserves of oil will last at current production rates – compiled by Jeremy
Rifkin in Hydrogen Economy. In the US, where more than 60 per cent of the
recoverable oil has already been produced, the ratio is just 10 years, as it is
in Norway. In Canada, it is 8:1. In Iran, it is 53:1, in Saudi Arabia 55:1, in
the United Arab Emirates 75:1. In Kuwait, it's 116:1. But in Iraq, it's 526:1.
And this forthcoming war isn't about oil?
Even if Donald
Rumsfeld's hearty handshake with Saddam Hussein in 1983 – just after the Great
Father Figure had started using gas against his opponents – didn't show how
little the present master of the Pentagon cares about human rights or crimes
against humanity, along comes Joost Hilterman's analysis of what was really
going on in the Pentagon back in the late 1980s.
Hilterman, who
is preparing a devastating book on the US and Iraq, has dug through piles of
declassified US government documents – only to discover that after Saddam
gassed 6,800 Kurdish Iraqis at Halabja (that's well over twice the total of the
World Trade Centre dead of 11 September 2001) the Pentagon set out to defend
Saddam by partially blaming Iran for the atrocity.
A newly
declassified State Department document proves that the idea was dreamed up by
the Pentagon – who had all along backed Saddam – and states that US diplomats
received instructions to push the line of Iran's culpability, but not to
discuss details. No details, of course, because the story was a lie. This,
remember, followed five years after US National Security Decision Directive 114
– concluded in 1983, the same year as Rumsfeld's friendly visit to Baghdad –
gave formal sanction to billions of dollars in loan guarantees and other
credits to Baghdad. And this forthcoming war is about human rights?
Back in 1997, in
the years of the Clinton administration, Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney and a bunch of
other right-wing men – most involved in the oil business – created the Project
for the New American Century, a lobby group demanding "regime change"
in Iraq. In a 1998 letter to President Clinton, they called for the removal of
Saddam from power. In a letter to Newt Gingrich, who was then Speaker of the House,
they wrote that "we should establish and maintain a strong US military
presence in the region, and be prepared to use that force to protect our vital
interests [sic] in the Gulf – and, if necessary, to help remove Saddam from
power".
The signatories
of one or both letters included Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, now Rumsfeld's
Pentagon deputy, John Bolton, now under-secretary of state for arms control,
and Richard Armitage, Colin Powell's under-secretary at the State Department –
who called last year for America to take up its "blood debt" with the
Lebanese Hizbollah. They also included Richard Perle, a former assistant
secretary of defence, currently chairman of the defence science board, and
Zalmay Khalilzad, the former Unocal Corporation oil industry consultant who became
US special envoy to Afghanistan – where Unocal tried to cut a deal with the
Taliban for a gas pipeline across Afghan territory – and who now, miracle of
miracles, has been appointed a special Bush official for – you guessed it –
Iraq.
The signatories
also included our old friend Elliott Abrams, one of the most pro-Sharon of
pro-Israeli US officials, who was convicted for his part in the Iran-Contra
scandal. Abrams it was who compared Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon – held
"personally responsible" by an Israeli commission for the slaughter
of 1,700 Palestinian civilians in the 1982 Sabra and Chatila massacre – to
(wait for it) Winston Churchill. So this forthcoming war – the whole shooting
match, along with that concern for "vital interests" (ie oil) in the
Gulf – was concocted five years ago, by men like Cheney and Khalilzad who were
oil men to their manicured fingertips.
In fact, I'm
getting heartily sick of hearing the Second World War being dug up yet again to
justify another killing field. It's not long ago that Bush was happy to be
portrayed as Churchill standing up to the appeasement of the no-war-in Iraq
brigade. In fact, Bush's whole strategy with the odious and Stalinist-style
Korea regime – the "excellent" talks which US diplomats insist they
are having with the Dear Leader's Korea which very definitely does have weapons
of mass destruction – reeks of the worst kind of Chamberlain-like appeasement.
Even though Saddam and Bush deserve each other, Saddam is not Hitler. And Bush
is certainly no Churchill. But now we are told that the UN inspectors have
found what might be the vital evidence to go to war: 11 empty chemical warheads
that just may be 20 years old.
The
world went to war 88 years ago because an archduke was assassinated in Sarajevo.
The world went to war 63 years ago because a Nazi dictator invaded Poland. But
for 11 empty warheads? Give me oil any day. Even the old men sitting around the
feast of mutton and rice would agree with that.
Robert Fisk is an award winning foreign correspondent for The Independent (UK), where this
article first appeared. He is the author of Pity Thy Nation: The Abduction
of Lebanon (The Nation Books, 2002 edition)