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Some
of my best friends are liberals. Really. But I have found it is best not
to rely on them politically.
Bashing the left to burnish credibility in
mainstream circles is a time-honored liberal move, a way of saying “I’m
critical of the excesses of the powerful, but not like those crazy
lefties.” For example, during a discussion of post-9/11 politics, I once
heard then-New York University professor (he has since moved to Columbia
University) Todd Gitlin position himself between the “hard right” (such as
people associated with the Bush administration) and the “hard left” (such
as Noam Chomsky and other radical critics), implying an equivalence in the
coherence or value of analysis of each side. The only conclusion I could
reach was that Gitlin -- who is both a prolific scholar and a former
president of Students for a Democratic Society -- either believed such a
claim about equivalence or said it for self-interested political purposes.
Neither interpretation is terribly flattering for Gitlin.
Perhaps more important than such cases are the ways in which liberals can
undermine the left even when claiming to be supportive in a common cause.
The most recent example in my life came when a faculty colleague at the
University of Texas wrote about the controversy sparked by the publication
of David Horowitz’s tract about the alleged threat radicals pose to
universities, The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in
America. The thesis of UT classics professor Tom Palaima’s op/ed piece
in the Austin daily paper was that people typically don’t give students
enough credit for their ability to evaluate critically the statements of
faculty members. Palaima discussed me by name in his piece, believing he
was coming to the defense of faculty with dissident views who are being
attacked by Horowitz.
I saw it differently. My concern about this isn’t personal; Palaima’s
piece and Horowitz’s book have had no effect on my professional life. But
these attacks and our responses to them have serious political and
intellectual consequences more generally.
First, some definitional work: In the contemporary United States, I use
the term “left” or “radical” to identify a political position that is
anti-capitalist and anti-empire. Leftists fight attempts to naturalize
capitalism, rejecting the assertion that such a brutal way to organize an
economy is inevitable. Leftists also reject the idea that the United
States has the right to dominate the world, refuting the assertion that we
are uniquely benevolent in our imperial project. Liberals typically decry
the worst excesses of capitalism and empire, but don’t critique the system
at a more basic level.
Palaima’s op/ed piece started by stating, “Jensen’s classes have a
political content” and that this led to a conservative student group
putting me on a “watch list” of professors who inappropriately politicize
the classroom. I teach about journalism and politics; of course my courses
have political content, as does every course that deals with human
affairs. The political views of professors -- left, right or center --
shape their courses in some ways. But by marking me as political,
Palaima’s essay implies others are not, or at least not political as my
class (and, by extension, the classes of other leftist professors).
Palaima goes on to refer to my “radical opinions,” suggesting students are
free to accept or reject them, and are capable of doing so. I agree that
students have, and exercise, that capacity. But by labeling my teaching as
the _expression of opinions, he adds to the perception that I, or any
leftist, turn the classroom into a political pulpit. While my opinions
shape my teaching -- just as Palaima’s and all professors’ opinions do, of
course -- I don’t simply teach my opinions. I teach a mix of facts,
analysis, and interpretation. When I offer students my own analysis and
interpretation, I support it with evidence and logic.
Remember that Horowitz’s claim is not just that some of us have left-wing
political views but that we inappropriately politicize the classroom.
Though Palaima doesn’t explicitly endorse that charge, his defense of me
seems to concede that point, as he goes on to defend my teaching on the
basis that there is a diversity of views on campus. Yet no one -- the
conservative student group that targeted leftist professors, Horowitz, or
Palaima -- has ever offered evidence for the claim that I am inappropriate
in the classroom. I have always invited anyone who wants to make such a
claim to come watch me teach; I am confident I can defend my teaching
methods.
Finally, near the end of his column, Palaima refers to “political
extremists, on the left and the right” in a way that could easily lead
readers to assume that he believes that “extremist” is an appropriate
description of me. Given that is a term typically used in public discourse
for violent factions (such as terrorists) or groups with ideas outside
acceptable discourse (such as neo-Nazis), such casual use of it is
irresponsible, further marking me as someone who need not be taken
seriously.
When I raised these issues with Palaima, I made it clear I didn’t feel
personally aggrieved but thought our disagreements mattered if faculty
members are to make a principled defense of the university as a place
where independent critical inquiry is valued. He contested my reading and
said he hadn’t intended people to read the column the way I suggested they
might.
Readers can judge for themselves (the op/ed is
online here), but I think the most likely reading of the piece --
given that many people’s existing ideas about leftists and universities
are negative -- is something like this: “Jensen is a radical who injects
his politics into the classroom, but we shouldn’t worry too much about it
because students can manage to see through it, and besides other
professors are teaching from a different perspective. And oh, by the way,
there are lots of sensible professors with less extreme ideas, such as …”
My response here could be seen as taking on the wrong target. Should I not
be critiquing Horowitz before Palaima? Well, I have written such a
critique and debated Horowitz on radio and TV (“A
Dangerous Professor Speaks” and “Horowitz
and the Myth of the Radical University”). But just as important:
In a political moment in which virtually every major institution in the
country is dominated not just by conservatives but by reactionary
right-wing ideologues, it’s easy to assume that liberals and leftists
should find common cause. Those of us committed to left politics need to
evaluate such cooperation on a case-by-case basis rather than assume it is
always the best path, for several reasons.
First, in the short-term in this country it is difficult to see
possibilities for serious progressive political change. That’s not
defeatist but merely realistic. In such a period, when no mass movement is
likely to emerge, one important political task is to consolidate a base of
activists with common values and deeper commitments. In such a process,
making the distinctions between liberal and left is crucial to the project
of building a core radical contingent that can be politically effective in
the future.
Second, when leftists and liberals form least-common-denominator
coalitions, liberal positions dominate. There’s no history of liberals
moving to include left political ideas when right-wing forces are chased
from power. Think Bill Clinton, here.
That said, we in left/radical movements have made more than our share of
mistakes. It’s time for a period of serious critical self-reflection about
our analysis and organizing strategies. That process is not going to be
advanced by ignoring the differences we have with liberals. We need to be
clearer than ever about those differences in thinking about the long term.
Robert Jensen
is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin and the
author of The Heart of Whiteness: Confronting Race, Racism and White
Privilege. He can be reached at:
rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu.
Other Recent Articles by Robert Jensen
*
“Crash” and the Self-Indulgence of White America with Robert Wosnitzer
*
Why I am a Christian (sort of)
* The
Failure of Our First Amendment Success: Dealing with the Death of
Discourse
*
"Dangerous" Academics: Right-wing Distortions about Leftist Professors
* MLK Day:
Dreams and Nightmares
*
Intelligent-Design Debate Reveals Limits of Religion and Science
* The 1st
Amendment's Assembly and Petition Clauses -- Eviscerated by Big Money?
* Give
Thanks No More: It’s Time for a National Day of Atonement
* Abe
Osheroff: On the Joys and Risks of Living Authentically in the Empire
*
The Challenge of a Broken World
* TV
Images Don't Bring Change
*
From Hiroshima to Iraq and Back with Sharon Weiner
*
Demonizing News Media is Attempt to Divert Attention from Policy Failures
*
Iraq’s Non-Election
* A New
“Citizens Oath of Office” for Inauguration 2005
*
Election Day Fears
* Large
Dams in India -- Temples or Burial Grounds?
* US
Supports Anti-Democratic Forces in Venezuela Recall
* Kerry's
Hypocrisy on the Vietnam War
*
“Fahrenheit 9/11” is a Stupid White Movie
*
It’s Not
Just the Emperor Who is Naked, but the Whole Empire
*
Hunger
Strike Remembers the Victims of World Bank Policies
*
Condi Rice Wouldn't Admit Mistakes
* Former
President Bush Involved with Donation
to Group with
Terrorist Connections
*
Bush's
Nuclear Hypocrisy
*
Observe Right to Unionize by Making it Reality
*
New Purported Bush Tape Raises Fear of New Attacks
*
General Boykin’s Fundamentalist View of the Other
*
Just the (Documented) Facts, Ma'am
*
Through the Eyes of Foreigners: US Political Crisis
*
“No War” A Full-Throated Cry
*
Media Criticism of Iraq Coverage Reveals Problems with Journalists'
Conception of News
*
Embedded Reporters Viewpoint Misses Main Point Of War
*
Fighting Alienation in the USA
*
Where's The Pretext? Lack of WMD Kills Case for War
*
For Self-Determination in Iraq, The U.S. Must Leave
*
The Images They Choose, and Choose to Ignore
*
Embedded Media Give Up Independence
*
On NPR, Please Follow the Script
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