The Rwanda Genocide Fabrications

Human Right Watch, Alison Des Forges and Disinformation on Central Africa

Allison Des Forges presents a lecture on ‘genocide in Rwanda’ at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. Photo keith harmon snow, 2007.

Allison Des Forges presents a lecture on ‘genocide in Rwanda’ at Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government. Photo keith harmon snow, 2007.

On 12 February 2009, Alison Des Forges, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch (HRW) for more than 20 years, was killed when Continental Airlines Flight 3407 crashed on route to Buffalo, New York. Des Forges was widely cited as a staunch critic of the Rwandan military government controlled by Paul Kagame and the victors of the war in Rwanda, 1990-1994.

In the ongoing life-and-death struggle to reveal the truth about war crimes and genocide in Central Africa, competing factions on all sides have posthumously embraced Alison Des Forges as an activist challenging power and a purveyor of truth and justice against all odds. Meanwhile, in March, 2009, based on false accusations of genocide issued by the Kagame regime—and given the close relations between Rwanda and the Obama administration’s former Clintonite officials—the U.S. Department of Homeland Security began the process of revisiting all immigration cases of Rwandan asylum seekers and criminalizing innocent refugees.

“In May of 1994, a few weeks into the killings of Tutsis in Rwanda, [Alison Des Forges] was among the first voices calling for the killings to be declared a genocide,” reported Amy Goodman, after Des Forges’s passing away, on Democracy Now. “She later became very critical of the Tutsi-led Rwandan government headed by Paul Kagame and its role in the mass killings in both Rwanda and neighboring Congo after 1994. Last year, she was barred from entering Rwanda.”

To say that Des Forges was “amongst the first voices calling for the killings to be declared genocide” in 1994 is an Orwellian ruse. The genocide label applied by Alison Des Forges and certain human rights bodies in May of 1994 was misdirected, used to accuse and criminalize only the majority Hutu people and the remnants of the decapitated Habyarimana government (much as the genocide and war crimes accusations have been selectively applied against President Omar al-Bashir in Sudan).

The Clinton administration refused to apply the genocide label: to do so might have compromised an ongoing U.S.-backed covert operation: the invasion of the Pentagon’s proxy force, the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A).

According to U.S. intelligence insider Wayne Madsen, Des Forges’ criticisms of the U.S.-brokered pact between presidents Paul Kagame (Rwanda) and Joseph Kabila (Democratic Republic of Congo or DRC) in December 2008 “earned her some powerful enemies ranging from the murderous Kagame, who will not think twice about sending his agents to silence critics abroad, and international interests who want to nothing to prevent them from looting the DRC’s vast mineral and energy resources.”

“With U.S. military forces of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) now backing a joint Ugandan-DRC offensive in the northeastern DRC to wipe out the Lord’s Resistance Army,” wrote Madsen on 16 February 2009, “with hundreds [sic] of civilian casualties in the DRC and Uganda, and a secret pact worked out between Kabila and Kagame to permit Rwandan troops to occupy the eastern DRC, the target of both operations is securing the vast territory that is rich in commodities that the United States, Britain and Israel—all allies of Uganda and Rwanda—want badly. Those commodities are gold, diamonds, columbium-tantalite (coltan), platinum and natural gas.”

Massive oil reserves are also at stake, with major concessions bifurcated by the international border. Ongoing petroleum sector investment (exploration and exploitation) in the region involves numerous western extraction companies—many being so-called petroleum ‘minors’ likely fronting for larger corporations—including Hardman Resources, Heritage Oil and Gas, H Oil & Minerals, PetroSA, Tullow Oil, Vangold Resources, ContourGlobal Group, Tower Resources, Reservoir Capital Group, and Nexant (a Bechtel Corporation subsidiary).

Billed as a “tireless champion” and “leading light in African human rights,” there is much more to this story than the western propaganda system has revealed: Alison Des Forges and HRW provided intelligence to the U.S. government at the time of the 1994 crises, and they have continued in this role to the present. Des Forges also supported the show trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), institutionalizing victor’s justice and shielding the Kagame regime.

Alison Des Forges came across to many people as a wonderful human being with great compassion and impeccable integrity. Indeed, this was my impression upon meeting her as well. She is said to have helped people who were being persecuted—no matter that they were Hutus or Tutsis—by the Rwandan regime that has for more than 19 years operated with impunity behind the misplaced and misappropriated moral currency of victimhood. In the recent past, Alison Des Forges spoke—to some limited degree—against the war crimes of the Kagame regime.

    The volcanoes region of the Zaire-Uganda-Rwanda border in 1991, seen in relative peace here, was then just beginning to suffer the destabilizing effects caused by the U.S.-backed invasion of Rwanda by Ugandan troops and the Rwandan Patriotic Army.  Photo keith harmon snow, eastern Zaire, 1991.

The volcanoes region of the Zaire-Uganda-Rwanda border in 1991, seen in relative peace here, was then just beginning to suffer the destabilizing effects caused by the U.S.-backed invasion of Rwanda by Ugandan troops and the Rwandan Patriotic Army. Photo keith harmon snow, eastern Zaire, 1991.

In life she did not speak about the deeper realities of ‘genocide in Rwanda’, and she had plenty of chances. In fact, she is the primary purveyor of the inversion of truth that covered up the deeper U.S. role in the Rwanda ‘genocide’, and she spent the past 10 years of her life explaining away the inconsistencies, covering up the facts, revising her own story when necessary, and manipulating public opinion about war crimes in the Great Lakes of Africa—in service to the U.S. government and powerful corporations involved in the plunder and depopulation of the region.

THE MYSTERIES OF A PRESIDENT

“Alison des Forges is a liar,” Cameroonian journalist Charles Onana told me, in Paris, France, several years ago. Onana is the author of numerous exposés on war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity in Central Africa, and he is the author of the book The Secrets of the Rwandan Genocide, Investigations on the Mysteries of a President, published in French in 2001.

Paul Kagame, Rwanda’s one-party president ‘elected’ through rigged elections, sued Charles Onana for defamation in a French court in 2002; Kagame lost the original trial and the appeal. Kagame was the commander of the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) and a leading agent—with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and their U.S., U.K., Belgian and Israeli backers—behind the massive bloodshed and ongoing terrorism in Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Congo, Sudan and Somalia.

“Leading light in African Human Rights killed in Buffalo Crash,” reported the Pentagon’s mouthpiece, CNN. “Human Rights Watch, which is based in New York, said she was ‘best known for her award-winning account of the genocide, Leave None to Tell the Story.’ She was truly wonderful, the epitome of the human rights activist—principled, dispassionate, committed to the truth and to using that truth to protect ordinary people.”

Alison Des Forges first worked as a HRW agent in Rwanda in 1992; in 1993 she helped produce a major international document highly biased against the Rwandan Government and protective of the RPF/A invaders: Report of the International Commission of Investigation on Human Rights Violations in Rwanda since October 1, 1990.

In late 1992, the International Federation of Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, the Inter-African Union for Human Rights and the Rights of Peoples, and the International Center for the Rights of the Individual and the Development of Democracy created the International Commission of Investigation on Human Rights Violations in Rwanda since October 1, 1990. With ten members from eight countries, the commission reported its findings in March 1993: Des Forges was co-chairperson, one of the three principal writers, and translator of the French to English version.

The report noted that ‘hundreds of thousands’ of Rwandans were made homeless and forced to flee, prior to January 1993, but these casualties of the RPF/A invasion were not attributed to international crimes of peace against a sovereign government committed by an invading army—the RPF/A guerrillas covertly backed by the U.S., Britain, Belgium and Israel—but instead merely to ‘war’. In other words, the initial act of aggression, the RPA/F invasion, was institutionally protected and the war crimes that set the stage for the conflagrations in Rwanda and Congo went unpunished.

Later in 1993, Rwandans Ferdinand Nanimana and Joseph Mushyandi, representing four Rwandan organizations under the Rwanda Associations for the Defense of Human Rights, challenged the Des Forges commission in their 26-page document, “A Commentary on the Report of the International Commission’s Inquiry on the Violation of Human Rights in Rwanda since October 1990.”

“How can an international commission be taken seriously when its members spent only two weeks extracting verbal and written evidence on human rights violations for a period of two years?” the authors wrote. They also pointed out that the commission spent less than two hours in areas controlled by the RPF/A rebels and that they could not visit all the 11 prefectures in the country because of demonstrations that blocked the roads. “Can there be any objective and credible conclusions in their report?”

Ferdinand Nanimana was later sentenced to life imprisonment for genocide. Many members of the Rwandan human rights organizations he worked with prior to April 1994 were subsequently killed.

    The rights and due process of Rwandan Hutus are systematically violated due to victor’s justice secured by the U.S., Europe, Israel and the proxy states Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda. Bernard Ntuyahaga, a Major of the former Rwandan army (ex-FAR) accused of killing 10 Belgian soldiers and Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, surrendered to the ICTR to avoid extradition to Rwanda; he was tried in Belgium and sentenced to 20 years in prison on July 4, 2007. Photo keith harmon snow, Tanzania, 2000.

The rights and due process of Rwandan Hutus are systematically violated due to victor’s justice secured by the U.S., Europe, Israel and the proxy states Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda. Bernard Ntuyahaga, a Major of the former Rwandan army (ex-FAR) accused of killing 10 Belgian soldiers and Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, surrendered to the ICTR to avoid extradition to Rwanda; he was tried in Belgium and sentenced to 20 years in prison on July 4, 2007. Photo keith harmon snow, Tanzania, 2000.

The rights and due process of Rwandan Hutus are systematically violated due to victor’s justice secured by the U.S., Europe, Israel and the proxy states Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda. Bernard Ntuyahaga, a Major of the former Rwandan army (ex-FAR) accused of killing 10 Belgian soldiers and Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, surrendered to the ICTR to avoid extradition to Rwanda; he was tried in Belgium and sentenced to 20 years in prison on July 4, 2007.

Like other researchers who have endlessly perpetuated the disinformation, Des Forges made no attempts to correct the record. In 1992, human rights researchers Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal established the London-based NGO African Rights. In August 1995, African Rights published Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance, another pivotal ‘human rights’ report that manufactured the ‘genocide’ fabrications, set the stage for victor’s justice at the ICTR, and began the process of dehumanizing millions of Hutu people and protecting the true terrorists. In 1995, Omaar and de Waal recycled the disinformation in the left-leaning Covert Action Quarterly under the title “U.S. Complicity by Silence: Genocide in Rwanda.” Since 2003, Alex de Waal has been one of the primary disinformation conduits on Darfur, Sudan.

“This woman [Omaar] of Somali origin is an RPF agent,” says Jean-Marie Higiro, former director of the Rwandan Information Office (ORINFOR). “[Today] she has her office in Kigali. In 1994 she was at Mulindi [Rwanda], the headquarters of the RPF. As the RPF conquered territories from the Rwandan Government Forces [FAR], she collected information fed to her by the RPF.”

“An intensive back and forth activity between this so-called British human rights organization, African Rights, and the intelligence services of the [Kagame] President’s office and the Rwandan military, has been observed,” wrote Hotel Rwanda star Paul Rusesabagina. “Her investigators are very close to the [RPF/A] military intelligence apparatus, and the modus operandi of both appears to be similar.”

Alison Des Forges’ years long ‘investigations’ into the bloodshed of 1994 resulted in the fat treatise on genocide in Rwanda, Leave None to Tell the Story, a book co-researched and co-written by Timothy Longman, now Associate Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Vassar College. Longman and Des Forges produced numerous documents—based on field investigations in Congo (Zaire), Rwanda and Burundi, from 1995 to 2008—touted as independent and unbiased human rights documents, all skewed by hidden interests.

According to a recent PBS Frontline eulogy, less than two weeks into the killing in April 1994 Des Forges met with officials in the U.S. State Department and National Security Council (NSC) and lobbied for their help. “We were not asking for U.S. troops,” Frontline quotes her to say, “it was clear to us that there was no way that the U.S. was going to commit troops to Rwanda.”

But the U.S. military was heavily backing the RPF/A tactically and strategically already. Key to the operation were ‘former’ Special Operations Forces (Ronco Company) providing military equipment and ferrying RPA troops from Uganda to Rwanda; the Pentagon’s logistical and communications support; Defense Intelligence Agency and CIA operatives. Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), was also collaborating with the RPF/A, serving the Pentagon interest.

Genocide in Rwanda became a massive psychological operation directed against media consumers using ghastly images—produced by RPA-embedded photographers like James Nachtwey and Gilles Peres—to infer that all cadavers were Tutsi victims of an orchestrated Hutu genocide; meanwhile the text was racist disinformation produced by Joshua Hammer. <em>Newsweek</em>, June 20, 1994.

Genocide in Rwanda became a massive psychological operation directed against media consumers using ghastly images—produced by RPA-embedded photographers like James Nachtwey and Gilles Peres—to infer that all cadavers were Tutsi victims of an orchestrated Hutu genocide; meanwhile the text was racist disinformation produced by Joshua Hammer. Newsweek, June 20, 1994.

ICTR defense attorney Christopher Black reports that reliable sources confirm that US Special forces were with the RPF all the way through the war. “My client testified in June that U.S. Hercules [C-130 military aircraft] were seen dropping troops in support of the RPF…”

Further, on 9 April 1994, three days after the so-called ‘mysterious plane crash’ where Burundi’s President Cyprien Ntaryamira and President Habyarimana were assassinated, some 330 U.S. marines landed at Bujumbura’s airport in Burundi, ostensibly to ‘rescue Americans’ in Rwanda. More centrally however, Uganda—with U.S. trained forces and U.S. supplied weaponry—launched its war against Rwanda as a proxy force for the United States of America. The result was a coup d‘etat: we won. The 2003 Frontline interview with Alison Des Forges exemplifies her continuing role in whitewashing U.S. involvement in war crimes and genocide in Central Africa.

“Kagame received his military education under the Pentagon’s Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) at the Command and General Staff College of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, beginning in 1990,” wrote John E. Peck of the Association of African Scholars (2002). “His sidekick, Lt. Col. Frank Rusagara, got his JCET schooling at the U.S. Naval Academy in Monterey, California. Both were dispatched to Rwanda in time to oversee the RPF’s takeover in 1994. Far from being an innocent bystander, the Washington Post revealed on July 12, 1998 that the United States not only gave Kagame $75 million in military assistance, but also sent Green Berets to train Kagame’s forces (as well as their Ugandan rebel allies) in low intensity conflict (LIC) tactics. Pentagon subcontractor Ronco, masquerading as a de-mining company, also smuggled more weapons to RPF fighters in flagrant violation of UN sanctions. All of this U.S. largesse was put to lethal effect in the ethnic bloodbath that is still going on.”

“This genocide resulted from the deliberate choice of a modern elite to foster hatred and fear to keep itself in power,” Des Forges wrote, blaming ‘Hutu Power’. However, her assertions about a ‘planned’ Hutu genocide—“They seized control of the state and used its machinery and its authority to carry out the slaughter”—collapse under scrutiny.

From 1990 to 1994, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), comprised most heavily of Ugandan soldiers led by Ugandan citizens like Paul Kagame, committed atrocity after atrocity as they forced their way to power in Kigali, always falsely accusing their enemies—the power-sharing government of then President Juvenal Habyarimana—of genocide.

“Kagame assigned some people to work with Alison Des Forges,” says Ugandan Human Rights expert Remigius Kintu, “and also to assist her in fabricating and distorting stories to suit Tutsi propaganda plans.”

According to the International Forum for Truth and Justice in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, whose discoveries resulted in the high courts of Spain issuing international indictments against 40 top RPF/A officials: “Between 1990 and 1994, the RPA waged a systematic, pre-planned, secretive but highly organized terrorist war aimed at eliminating the largest number of Rwandan people possible—bodies were hacked to pieces and incinerated en masse. From 1994, once the RPA violently seized power, a terror regime was created, and developed, and a criminal structure parallel to the state was set up to pursue pre-determined kidnappings; torturing and raping of women and young girls; terrorist attacks (both directly and by simulating that the same had been perpetrated by the enemy); illegal detention of thousands of civilians; selective murdering; systematic elimination of corpses either by mass incineration or by throwing them into lakes and rivers; indiscriminate attacks against civilians based on pre-determined ethnic categories for the elimination of the predominant ethnic group; and also to carry out acts of war in Rwanda and Congo.”

Before former President Habyarimana’s assassination on 6 April 1994, Des Forges, and the organizations she worked with, blamed the whole war crimes show on President Habyarimana and his government, they dismissed the illegal invasion and atrocities of the RPF/A, and they began calling it genocide against the Tutsis as early as 1992.

“In the Military II case Alison Des Forges admitted that she was funded by USAID when she was part of that so-called International Commission condemning the Rwandan Government [Habyarimana] for human rights violations,” reports Canadian Chris Black, a defense attorney at the ICTR, “and she admitted that she just took the word of the RPF and pro-RPF groups and that she did not deal with RPF atrocities, as she did not have the time.”

Chris Black notes that Des Forges presented reports to the ICTR in certain legal cases that were decidedly doctored from the original reports presented in previous cases against other accused Hutu genocidaires, and that it was necessary to cross-examine Des Forges ‘very forcefully’ to get her to agree that changes had been made to the reports presented as evidence in the case being tried.

    Twelve year-old Hutu child soldiers with the Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in Congo—so-called genocidaires who purportedly fled Rwanda in 1994 and have served as Kagame’s justification for plundering and depopulating Congo since. Photo keith harmon snow, South Kivu, DRC, 2006.

Twelve year-old Hutu child soldiers with the Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in Congo—so-called genocidaires who purportedly fled Rwanda in 1994 and have served as Kagame’s justification for plundering and depopulating Congo since. Photo keith harmon snow, South Kivu, DRC, 2006.

“In her expert report in the 2006 Military II trial against General Ndindiliyimana,” Chris Black adds, “she removed all the positive things she had said about him in her book and in her previous expert report in the [Colonel Théoneste] Bagasora case. When asked by me why she deleted the positive view of him at his own trial, and why she tried to hide the fact that he saved a lot of Tutsis, among other things, she had no explanation. It was a cheap, low thing to do and I can tell you even the judges here at the ICTR were not too happy about it.”

On December 18, 2008, after the protracted ‘Military I’ trial, the judges at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda ruled that there was no conspiracy to commit genocide by former Rwandan military leaders affiliated with the former Habyarimana government. It was war, and the actions—far from a calculated genocide—were found by ICTR judges to be ‘war-time conditions’.

“The media reports of the December 18 judgment [Military I] at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda focused primarily on the convictions of three of four former top military leaders, who were the supposed ‘masterminds’ of the Rwandan genocide,” wrote ICTR defense lawyer Peter Erlinder. “But, as those who have followed the ICTR closely know, convictions of members of the former Rwandan government and military are scarcely newsworthy.”

Since the inception of the ICTR its decisions have been decisively biased—victor’s justice—in favor of protecting the Kagame regime and its backers. Thus it is no surprise that the former top military leaders of the Habyarimana government—Colonel Théoneste Bagosora and Major Aloys Ntabakuze—were sentenced to life imprisonment for acts of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, an act of genocide is not an organized, calculated, systematic genocide.

“The real news was that ALL of the top Rwandan military officers, including the supposedly infamous Colonel Bagosora, were found not guilty of conspiracy or planning to commit genocide,” writes Erlinder. “And General Gratien Kabiligi, a senior member of the general staff, was acquitted of all charges! The others were found guilty of specific acts committed by subordinates, in specific places, at specific times—not an overall conspiracy to kill civilians, much less Tutsi civilians.”

Now, after more than fifteen years of massive western propaganda proclaiming an organized, systematic elimination of the Tutsi people by the Hutu leaders of the former Rwandan government, the official Rwanda genocide story has finally collapsed.

THE GENOCIDE FACTS

In contradistinction to the establishment narrative accusing the ‘Hutu leadership’ of an ‘organized’ and ‘planned’ genocide were the countless acts of genocide committed through a spontaneous uprising of the Hutu masses—people who had been brutalized, disenfranchised, uprooted and forced from homes; people who had witnessed massacres and rapes of family members; people who were themselves the victims of brutal atrocities. These were more than a million internally displaced Rwandan Hutus, people who had been terrorized by the Rwandan Patriotic Army from October 1990 to April 1994, as it butchered its way into Rwanda; and possibly a million Burundian refugees, Hutus who suffered massive reprisals in Burundi after the first civilian President, Melchior Ndadaye, a democratically elected Hutu, was assassinated by the Tutsi military in October 1993. There is evidence that the RPA/F pursued “pseudo-operations”—death squads committing atrocities disguised as government soldiers—and evidence that at least some of the infamous Interahamwe militias pursued their campaigns of terror in the pay of the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army.

“She [Des Forges] concealed the fact that from 1990 the war caused an unprecedented economic poverty and that the one million internally displaced people tore the social fabric apart!” wrote Dr. Helmut Strizek, a former German official who had called for Des Forges’ resignation from HRW. “And these people knew that Tutsi rebels [RPA] caused their misery. They did not wait for ‘instructions’ in order to revenge, once no one was able to maintain public order after the April 6 [1994] assassination [sic] and resumption of hostilities by the RPF.”

“Alison Des Forges is no longer,” writes Charles Onana. “Peace be with her soul! She nonetheless leaves behind her many victims of injustice, who she painstakingly accused, using false testimony, before the International Criminal Tribunal Court for Rwanda (ICTR).”

Alison Des Forges provided expert testimony in 11 genocide trials before the ICTR, including the ‘Military I’ trials that condemned Col. Theoneste Bagosora and two others on December 18. Des Forges also testified in genocide trials in Belgium, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Canada.

Charles Onana continues:

Among her victims there is Jean-Paul Akayesu, the first to be condemned to life imprisonment for genocide. This man, who Alison Des Forges had accused without any proof against him, was even defended by a Tutsi from the Patriotic Rwandan Army [RPA] who had been party to the fabrication of the ‘incriminating’ evidence against him in Rwanda. The Tribunal never listened to this witness, but they did listen to Alison Des Forges.

I have also discovered during the course of my investigations into the ICTR that, at the start of the trial in 1997, she introduced a forged fax that was purported to be written by General Dallaire in 1994. This fax, maintained Des Forges, concerned the ‘planning of genocide’.

New Yorker staff writer Philip Gourevitch spread the mythology of “The Genocide Fax” far and wide. Gourevitch’s first pro-RPF/A disinformation piece appeared in the New Yorker in December 1995; in May 1998 the New Yorker published Gourevitch’s “The Genocide Fax,” a charade fed to him by Madeleine Albright’s undersecretary of state James Rubin. Gourevitch’s fictional book We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families was funded by the euphemistically named U.S. Institute for Peace and written in league with the Kagame regime. It is certainly possible that Alison Des Forges was unaware of the original fabrication, but she and Human Rights Watch never changed their tune, and they never denounced the fabrication.

Charles Onana continues:

It was on the basis of this false document that she called for the condemnation of Jean-Paul Akaseyu. To lend credibility to this first trial process, the ICTR, with astonishing lightness and irresponsibility, condemned this man to life. The Tribunal had no proof. The judicial dossier is slapdash and skimpy, but that has no importance. This was Alison Des Forges first great victory.

She then decided to pursue a Rwandan refugee living in Canada: an ideal target. He had the misfortune to be Hutu. For her, this man was a ‘planner of genocide’. But where is the proof? Alison Des Forges has none, but she wants to see this man [Leon Mugesera] in prison. Having deciphered or seen through Alison Des Forge’s arguments, the Judge of the Canadian Federal Tribunal concluded witheringly and without pity: ‘I note above all the relentlessness with which Mme Des Forges launched her diatribe against M. [Leon] Mugesera, and am astonished by the lack of care she has demonstrated in drawing up the report for the International Commission of Enquiry and in her Expert Assessment.’

The Canadian judge did not hesitate to qualify Mme. Des Forges as partisan, demonstrating ‘a prejudice or preconceived position against Léon Mugesera’. He concluded that she could not be considered an objective witness, adding that no correctly informed tribunal could take her allegations seriously. Nevertheless it was on the basis of the same arguments, and of the same fantasy report published in 1999, that she accused numerous Rwandans, all Hutu.

“CONTINENTAL SHIFT,” one of Philip Gourevitch’s pivotal disinformation essays that appeared in the <em>New Yorker</em>, outlined the “new brand of African leader” exemplified by Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame: it is a whitewash of U.S.-backed terrorism.

“CONTINENTAL SHIFT,” one of Philip Gourevitch’s pivotal disinformation essays that appeared in the New Yorker, outlined the “new brand of African leader” exemplified by Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame: it is a whitewash of U.S.-backed terrorism.

It was thus that she devoted the penultimate day of her examination, during the process against the military, to presenting Colonel Bagosora, Hutu, as the king pin in the genocide. The Tribunal in the long-running ‘Military I’ trial did not accept the ‘planning of genocide’ that Alison Des Forges never ceased to hammer on about by means of her pseudo-fax of 11 January 1994. She lied, lied and lied again. She tried a come-back or to recover her credibility by criticizing her ‘hero’ Paul Kagame, the organizer the 6 April 1994 assassination of two presidents.

Alison Des Forges finally dared to speak of the crimes committed by the Tutsi rebels of the RPF/A: the great taboo. It was a bit late but it assuaged her conscience. For those who were condemned by the ICTR, deliberately and unjustly recorded by her, there will be no justice for them. Can Alison Des Forges still hear their suffering and their pain? She who has done them so much harm—along with their families? She who claimed to defend the Rights of Man has without doubt violated the rights of many Rwandans, who will undoubtedly never forget her. Their homage to Mme. Des Forges would have been different, very different, to what her many friends in the media have to say.

Timothy Longman and Des Forges, the co-authors of the HRW treatise, Leave None To Tell The Story, both worked with USAID, the U.S. State Department and the Pentagon. Des Forges was a member of the HRW board from 1988 and was “principal researcher” on Rwanda and Burundi, 1991-1994. In this period Des Forges also consulted for USAID, and collaborated with the State Department, Pentagon, and National Security Council. Simultaneously, Des Forges worked with, informed and influenced U.S. Congress-people, Permanent Representatives at the United Nations, the U.N. Under-Secretary General, and U.N. Special Rapporteur for Rwanda and Special Rapporteur for Summary and Arbitrary Executions. Des Forges also pumped the disinformation into the academic world through her high-level ties to human rights committees, African and Africana Studies departments and the elite African Studies Association.

In the same period, Des Forges constantly influenced the U.S. media through special briefings to the editorial boards and reporters of the New York Times, Washington Post, National Public Radio, and Associated Press, and she was frequently presented as an “expert” on genocide in Rwanda for CNN, 60 Minutes, Nightline, All Things Considered, BBC, Radio France Internationale, and the Canadian Broadcasting Company. Such relations explain the mass media’s consistency in producing the monolithic disinformation about Rwanda that shielded the illegal U.S.-backed and covert RPF/A (Ugandan) guerrilla insurgency. The blanket media coverage falsely situated the “Rwanda genocide” as it is now widely misunderstood: 100 days of genocide, 800,000 to 1.2 million Tutsis killed with machetes; the ‘highly disciplined’ RPF/A stopping the genocide. Such is the disinformation that indoctrinated the English-speaking media consumers and created a mass psychological hysteria about Rwanda that persists to this day.

Timothy Longman worked with Des Forges in Rwanda in 1994 and has worked regularly with both USAID and HRW on contracts in Congo, Burundi and Rwanda, throughout the late 1990’s and into the present; Longman worked in Rwanda on one USAID contract for Management Systems Incorporated, a firm whose clients include the Pentagon. Longman also worked as a consultant for HRW in the spring of 2000 conducting field research in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and producing “a detailed report on human rights conditions in rebel-controlled areas.”

The Des Forges and Longman position vis-à-vis their whitewashing of the Tutsi-led RPF/A-organized genocide in Rwanda certainly explains the sanitation of HRW reports, and it raises questions, for example, about how Human Rights Watch ‘researchers’ navigate their ‘work’ in rebel (read: Rwandan and Ugandan) controlled areas in DRC. It also raises questions about how, why and when HRW does or doesn’t expose the western operatives, non-government organizations and multinational corporations: a singular example is the Human Rights Watch report that mildly exposes the criminal operations of Anglo-Gold Ashanti—a company partnered with the Bush-connected Barrick Gold Corporation—in eastern DRC. HRW says nothing about Moto Gold, Mwana Africa, Banro Resources, Hardmann Oil, Tullow Oil, De Beers, H Oil & Minerals, OM Group, Metalurg, Kotecha, International Rescue Committee—and the many proxy armies, militias, gun-runners and other organized white collar war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Congo.

The role of HRW as an intelligence conduit to the U.S. Government is incidentally confirmed by Samantha Power in her book A Problem from Hell: America in the Age of Genocide—a whitewash of U.S. and allied war crimes for which she was rewarded with a Pulitzer Prize. While Power’s “bystanders to genocide” thesis about Rwanda is a total inversion of the facts, she notes in passing that “Human Rights Watch supplied exemplary intelligence to the U.S. Government and lobbied in one-on-one meetings” in April and May 1994, and that Alison Des Forges and other HRW staff visited the White House on April 21, 1994. Samantha Power is currently a member of the National Security Council in the administration of President Barack Obama.

The mass media was flooded with “Rwanda genocide” disinformation between April and July of 1994, and advertising that served up subliminal seduction and white supremacy often surrounded these ‘news’ clips. This adverts’ sexualized message—MODERN MEANS STAYING COOL, CALM AND DIRECTED—is augmented by a sanitized ‘news’ clip that described the double presidential assassination as a “mysterious plane crash.” <em>New York Times</em>, June 12, 1994.

The mass media was flooded with “Rwanda genocide” disinformation between April and July of 1994, and advertising that served up subliminal seduction and white supremacy often surrounded these ‘news’ clips. This adverts’ sexualized message—MODERN MEANS STAYING COOL, CALM AND DIRECTED—is augmented by a sanitized ‘news’ clip that described the double presidential assassination as a “mysterious plane crash.” New York Times, June 12, 1994.

Alison Des Forges continued to remain silent about western corporate and military interests in the Great Lakes region to her death. A perfect example of this silence is the very unrevealing March 2008 interview by the U.S. nationalist and Zionist U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum titled “Alison Des Forges: The Impact of Rwandan Genocide in Congo.”

Timothy Longman also produces significant pro-US propaganda about Sudan. Thus it is important to note that amongst the key USAID conduits for disinformation and covert operations in Sudan today is Roger Winter, one of the primary architects of the RPF/A guerrilla war, organized from Washington in 1989, that led to the loss of at least twelve million lives in the Great Lakes of Africa since October 1990. Alison Des Forges, of course, never mentioned Roger Winter or his colleague in covert operations, Susan Rice, the Obama Administration’s Ambassador to the U.N.

“Roger Winter was with the RPA on the front lines in Rwanda and he regularly briefed the Clinton Administration of the RPA’s military achievements,” says Jean Marie Vianney Higiro, former Rwandan official. “Alison Des Forges contributed to the RPF/A takeover of Rwanda. I have no doubt about that… I met her three times, first in 1995, and in 2004 she encouraged me to testify at the ICTR. I said no way: I will only testify if RPF officials are arrested. She insisted I should testify, she was confident that the RPF were going to be arrested. I think she did not realize that the U.S. government would never accept that. She was something of an opportunist.”

“I don’t know how assassins could control icing on the wings or why it was necessary to bring down 50 other people just to silence her,” says ICTR lawyer Chris Black, commenting on the speculation that Alison Des Forges was assassinated by ‘plane crash’. “It would have been much simpler to kill her in all sorts of other ways. But she was no big critic. She made some noises, but it was just to give Human Rights Watch some credibility.”

“I hold a strong belief in the plane crash being planned,” says Remigius Kintu. “These international cabal members have no mercy to hide their crime in something like this and could care less about the other people on the plane. As for Roger Winter, he was the chief logistics boss for [RPF] Tutsis until their victory in 1994, operating from 1717 Massachusetts Avenue NW in Washington D.C.”

The zeal displayed by Alison Des Forges and Human Rights Watch in the pursuit of justice and human rights appears in sharp contradistinction to their absence of zeal in pursuing the architects of the criminal invasion of Rwanda on 10 October 1990, the double presidential assassinations of 6 April 1994, and all kinds of other nasty corporate conspiracies in Central Africa.

Thus while the world commemorated the 15th Anniversary of the “Rwanda Genocide” on 6 April 2009, innocent Rwandan asylum seekers and critics of the Kagame terrorist regime, all over the world, live under perpetual fear of being hunted down, branded as genocide perpetrators, ostracized, and persecuted by an illegitimate one-party dictatorship comprised 40 military officials indicted for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide by two international courts.

According to insiders from Rwanda, Kagame’s ruthless Directorate of Military Intelligence has dispatched some 300 agents to Europe to kill RPF opponents; some of these agents are operating under cover as bogus asylum seekers in Europe and North America. As of January 20, 2009 the U.S. Department of Homeland Security began reopening all cases of Rwandan asylum seekers, and is criminalizing and threatening to deport legitimate refugees to Rwanda, actions that violate the 1951 United Nations High Commission for Refugees Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.

Keith Harmon Snow is a war correspondent, photographer and independent investigator, and a four time (2003, 2006, 2007, 2010) Project Censored award winner. He is also the 2009 Regent's Lecturer in Law & Society at the University of California Santa Barbara, recognized for over a decade of work, outside of academia, contesting official narratives on war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide while also working as a genocide investigator for the United Nations and other bodies. The first UCSB Regent's Lecturer, in 1960, was Aldous Huxley; other recipients include Margaret Mead, Peter Matthiessen and Meredith Monk. Read other articles by Keith, or visit Keith's website.

19 comments on this article so far ...

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  1. Les Canards said on April 15th, 2009 at 8:14am #

    This is long-winded, tedious tripe rehashing the obvious and offering nothing but slanted, scurrilous faux-critique. If you trimmed this “expose” into two paragraphs, it still would be devoid of any legitimate worth to the Central Africa discussion. Outrage without an alternative or a viable option is useless- it’s just a reflection of pain. That you have “pegged” your attack on Allison Des Forges post-humously is beyond contemptible. Clearly it’s your lack of tact, gullibility, and misprehension of reality-rather than your”dissident voice”- that explains why you are ignored by credible media outlets and calling yourself an “independent human rights investigator.”
    If Kagame is so ruthless as to send his western agents to silence critics abroad, then why wouldn’t he have sent his “agents’ who you suggest are running and terrorizing the innocent and brave in North and South Kivu over the border to silence a courageous dissident journalist like yourself? I have a few ideas, the more generous of which is that you know about as much about what’s really happening on the ground in the Congo as a Hutu genocaidaire knows about bungee jumping.

    I think Orwell sums up the author fairly succinctly.
    “People who are perfectly willing to accept the products of the Empire and to save his soul by sneering at the people who hold the Empire together. “

  2. dove said on April 15th, 2009 at 11:09am #

    Les Canard: #This is long-winded, tedious tripe rehashing the obvious and offering nothing but slanted, scurrilous faux-critique.#

    obvious and long winded?? You must have had this comment up before you read the article. You’re in such a hurry to smear it’s obvious YOU never read the article. Why don’t you go watch Fox and CNN like a good cabbage?

    Les Canard:#Outrage without an alternative or a viable option is useless- it’s just a reflection of pain. That you have “pegged” your attack on Allison Des Forges post-humously is beyond contemptible.#

    Oh I see! You’re from the HRW saving face. The truth is Alison MURDERER Des Forges Genocidaire and you Les are beyond contempt and sickeningly evil. Les, your comment is nothing but BS and smear and you are clearly in the pay HRW and it’s Pentagon affiliates.

  3. dove said on April 15th, 2009 at 11:28am #

    Les Canard, your comment is utter tripe and you have given neither constructive criticism nor provided any evidence for the nonsense in your comment. In fact the only thing you have picked up on in the article is that it is about des Forges the Mass Murderer.

    Les Canard:#If Kagame is so ruthless as to send his western agents to silence critics abroad, ….. Kivu over the border to silence a courageous dissident journalist like yourself?#

    Exactly what has this comment to do with the article? Is this the first article you’ve ever seen on the troubles in Congo/Rwanda etc? Perhaps you should do some further reading and then be able to make a constructive comment.

  4. keith harmon snow said on April 15th, 2009 at 8:28pm #

    Another critic who does not use their name and merely throws around insults about something they refuse to accept their participation in, or the extent to which they have been lied about, and whose true interests in the exploitation — and quite likely their profits connected to — are hidden behind their cowardly anonymity.

  5. sijepuis said on April 16th, 2009 at 11:19am #

    KHS, thank you for yet another extraordinary, informative article.

    ‘Les Canards’ mentions the trials that were undertaken in France but leaves out the fact that the French state is deeply implicated/compromised with regard to its strategic interests in Rwanda and the DRC!

    At the time of the outbreak of violence, following a ten-ton style media campaign replete with ghastly images, France took it upon itself to send “peace keeping” forces to the region, which are alleged to have played anything but a neutral role in the conflict. In fact, the now defunct French bank, Crédit Lyonnais, was busy underwriting loans via an Egyptian intermediary for arms shipments destined to troops backing the Kagame regime! Given the seamlessness of the news coverage, the French people bought the propaganda hook line and sinker. And the disinformation continues to this day.

    What I find particularly disturbing is the ‘recipe’ that has been perfected since the mid 1990s for the justification of all-out military intervention across the globe, which amounts to distortion of genocide claims. It has been used repeatedly in Africa, of course, but served as a pretext for the Nato bombing of Serbia, military intervention in Somalia and Darfour. And, equally, as a pretext in the run-up to the attack of Iraq.

    None of these Imperial campaigns of aggression would have gone forward had it not been for full complicity and coordination amongst corporate-owned media in the dissemination of State propaganda.

    This is where you, Keith Harmon Snow, play an invaluable role.
    .

  6. Robert Karenzi said on May 5th, 2009 at 7:18am #

    Not many westerners have an understanding of the complex Rwandan problem.
    I Congratulates you for not having your eyes blinded and for making others understand the real cause of the bloodshed in central africa.

  7. Claude Adams said on May 29th, 2009 at 11:29am #

    Let me see if I have this scenario right: Des Forges (for reasons unstated) “contributed” to the takeover of the RPF, testifies “without proof” at the trials of enemies of the RPF regime, is party to the “cover-up” of the complicity between the US government and Kagame, and then is assassinated by Kagame’s international agents when she criticizes his regime, the very regime that she helped to install and legitimize. Have I got that right? And as one of your sources, you use Chris Black, a legal mind of the first order who implies without a scintilla of evidence that Kagame’s hit team may have found a way to ice the wings of the aircraft that went down with 50 passengers. (Kagame, of course, having no compunction about committing such an act of terror against a country that put him into power!) Keith, as a tireless purveyor of analysis by innuendo you have no equal. I’m surprised that in your Dan Brown cast of nefarious characters and mayhem that you left out the duplicitous Fergal Keane and the lying scumbag Romeo Dallaire. Has anybody bought the screen rights?

  8. keith harmon snow said on June 1st, 2009 at 5:22am #

    For DV readers:

    Claude Adams is a Canadian journalist who has worked and seems to continue to work for the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation ? (CBC). I think if you check out his early work on Rwanda it was rather commonplace propaganda supporting the establishment narrative. It seems Adams was later met with abuse in Rwanda and after tasting dictatorship and censorship etc etc personally he started to take an anti-Kagame line. Or maybe it was the other way around — he figured out a few (very few) things for himself and was met with malicious reactions from Kagame when he tried to take a more independent line.

    I dont at this point know which it was. I don’t really care. He appears to be a relentless apologist for certain interests, including Gen Romeo Dallaire — the Canadian Un General who helped the RPF commit genocide and coup d’etat.

    However, the above post also appears on his blog where we continued a back and forth — and I think it would be intersting for anyone searching for the truth to read that exchange and note Adam’s reactionary replies and refusal to address the real issues. I am quite certain that I hit the nail on teh head when I criticize his refusal to look into his own interests. Profits profits profits and “reputation”.

    http://claudeadams.blogspot.com/2007/12/disturbing-story.html

    I replied to his last post of 12:14 Am May 31, but he did not post my reply, so I will post it below here. I was wondering how long it would take him to start censoring me.

    wink, wink.

    keith harmon snow

    REPLY TO Calude Adams post of 12:14 AM May 31:

    Claude

    I’m sorry that you are so confused. Look closely at your recent and initial statement of compliant on DV:

    “And as one of your sources, you use Chris Black, a legal mind of the first order who implies without a scintilla of evidence that Kagame’s hit team found a way to ice the wings of the aircraft that went down with 50 passengers.”

    And then look at my quote from Chris Black in my story:

    “I don’t know how assassins could control icing on the wings or why it was necessary to bring down 50 other people just to silence her,” says ICTR lawyer Chris Black, commenting on the speculation that Alison Des Forges was assassinated by ‘plane crash’. “It would have been much simpler to kill her in all sorts of other ways….”

    Note that Chris Black rejects the conspiracy speculation presented by so many other people — including Wayne Madsen — that Des Forges was assassinated.

    Also, look at Alison Des Forges’ resume for yourself and see just how deeply she was connected to the establishment that brought Kagame to power and is trying to hide its hand in war crimes and genocide, her early resume — 1995 — introduced to establish her credibility in a court of law.

    There is no “sly suggestion” in my reportage, its based in facts.

    Do you reject the evidence that the Gourevitch “genocide fax” was fabricated?

    Indeed, Aliscon Des Forges was very “careful” with the “facts”… but she nonetheless modified them to reflect the growing body of evidence establishing her bias and revealing the deceptions her work was based on.

    Put in the effort, Claude. It seems like you would want to go down in history as at least attempting to find out the whole truth.

    Anyways, the millions and millions of Congolese and Hutu people who survive today — and even Tutsis no longer in favor with Kagame and his mass murderers — are waiting to hear something serious from you about all those powerful white people and multinational corporations that have ripped them off, and depopulated the land. Stop arguing with me, if you find me so repugnant, and apply your supposed high moral (double) standard of journalism to exposing the white supremacy, rather than being part of it. For example, why don’t you do some hard hitting reporting on BANRO — a Canadian gold company operating only in South Kivu and connected to Kigali?

    The worst part about white people, and westerners more generally, is that they can never admit that they were wrong, or turn against their own erroneous reporting (in the case of journalists, if we presume them to be honest and to have been deceived or made a mistake) or erroneous research (in the case of academics). Faced with an insurmountable body of disconcerting and disjoint facts — challenging their own historical “expertise” — they cling to their positions out of ego and foolishness. Its all about interests Claude, and I think you know that. And that’s what you have to look at with Des Forges, Romeo Dallaire, Philip Gourevitch, …. what about Roger Winter? Do you also reject his involvement in Rwanda? Or maybe you just choose to be oblivious.

    James Baldwin again: “It is the [supposed] innocence that constitutes the crime.” [Insertion added].

    blessings
    keith

  9. Claude Adams said on June 1st, 2009 at 10:33am #

    Facts. I don’t work for the CBC. I have never supported Rwanda’s “establishment narrative,” unless that means I believe that there was a genocide instigated by Hutu Power. I’m not an “apologist” for anyone–I just don’t accept KHS’ attacks on Dallaire, Keane, Des Forges and other players. I’ve been a journalist for 40 years, and I’ve learned a few things about factuality, sourcing, evidence, etc. and KHS’ “evidence” about these and other players is anemic at best. And I refuse to play the devil’s game of: Prove their innocence. Keith’s a master of malice and innuendo, and I don’t say that lightly. Witness his reaction to me: I challenge his journalism, and he talks about my refusal to look into my “own interests” and writes a line about “profits profits profits and reputation.” What’s that supposed to mean? That I somehow profit from my opinions, and put my reputation ahead of the truth? That’s beneath contempt. I don’t make a thin dime from what I write about Rwanda and I don’t a damn about reputation.

    One final “fact”: I don’t censor. Keith’s final email was never submitted to my blog. Had it been, I would have approved it. I’ve never censor anything, not even junk. And despite what he says, I am able to admit that I was wrong. When I first came across his work, I thought he was an honorable man, and a serious investigator. I was wrong.

  10. Claude Adams said on June 1st, 2009 at 1:28pm #

    Let’s look at how KHS pursues “the whole truth” by taking some examples from his work.

    He writes that Samantha Power “confirmed” the fact that HRW is an “intelligence conduit” to the United States government. Thus, HRW, through the use of conspiracy-speak, becomes an intelligence gatherer, a spying agency, a stooge of the White House. But then we read Power’s actual quote: HRW “supplied exemplary intelligence” and “lobbied” the administration in April and May, 1994. Obviously, the “intelligence” concerned the ongoing genocide, and the lobbying presumably involves appeals that the US do something about it. But with KHS’s insidious use of language and innuendo, a human rights activist who seeks to save lives becomes an intelligence agent, a spear carrier, for US interests. Nice!

    Another example: He quotes Jean Marie Vianney Higiro, a former Rwanda official, as saying “Alison des Forges contributed to the RPF/A takeover of Rwanda. I have no doubt about that.” Okay, the inquiring journalist here would raise an eyebrow and interject, and ask: “How do you know that? Are you saying that a high profile human rights activist was working for Kagame? Or for the US government? In what way did she contribute? Do you have any evidence?” But, alas, there is no inquiring journalist present, or if he is, he doesn’t pick up the obvious cue. So Vianney segues to a conversation he had with des Forges about testifying at the ICTR. What’s the link? How is this germane? We are not told, but we are left with Higiro’s inference: Des Forges had a nefarious agenda . . .

    Or how about this: “I hold a strong belief in the plane being crashed,” says Remigius Kintu. “These international cabal members have no mercy . . . “ Kintu is a “Ugandan human rights” activist. What informs his strong belief that the plane crash was a terrorist act? Who are these dreadful cabal members? We don’t know, because Keith Harmon Snow doesn’t ask. It’s enough to say they exist, and are busy. Say it often enough and that will make it so. This is the same Kintu who, earlier in the article, maintains that Kagame “assigned some people” to help Des Forges “in fabricating and distoring stories to suit Tutsi propaganda plans.” This is a serious charge. Which people, and what stories, an inquisitive journalist would ask? But these questions are never asked. It’s enough to say it, and have KHS quote it, and it will be so. It’s with brittle building materials like this that great cathedrals of conspiracy are built.

    Might sources like Higiro and Kintu, and Charles Onana, not have agendas. We don’t know? This is never explored. The only hidden agendas KHS cares about are those of Des Forges and her ilk, who represent the enemy. Might sources like Chris Black and Paul Erlinder, who are defending accused genocidaires in Arusha, not have agendas of their own? This is never discussed.

    KHS quotes Baldwin. I’ll quote Webster: “The world is governed more by appearances than by realities, so that it is a full necessary to seem to know something, as to know it.”

  11. Claude Adams said on June 1st, 2009 at 1:30pm #

    Webster deserves better. Here is his actual quote. “The world is governed more by appearances than realities, so that it is fully as necessary to seem to know something as to know it.”

  12. bozh said on June 1st, 2009 at 2:20pm #

    claude adams,
    to me, the world governance, tho even today at a primitive [and not to mention brutal stage], ‘governs’ nations according to reality.
    to these gangster, reality/truth/reason for living is to stay rich or expand their riches.
    that is the only reality gangsters know and consider valid for all times.
    riches can be obtained only from the planet. A gang like the one in US thus knows on which side its bread is buttered.
    the aim is to get hold of much or all of the planet by any means necessary; includes use of wmd in the past and in the future.

    no, the ruling class-which i often also call a gang that behaves like a biker or street gang- is not delusional; 90+% of subjugated people in perhaps each country are delusional.
    due to, of course, massive clero-politico-educational peoples’ lying.
    tnx bozhidar balkas vancouver

  13. keith harmon snow said on June 1st, 2009 at 9:50pm #

    Claude,

    Its interesting how my last post to your blog got “lost” — and that its being conveniently “lost” — when no other previous post was “lost” — is described by you as “never submitted”.

    Alison Des Forges “seeks to save lives”??

    In fact, Des Forges DID work with people who provided false information from both the US intelligence establishment and RPF. The question remains whether she did so ignorantly, knowingy, or actively seeking to support the establishment propaganda (cover-up). Who were these people? just becuase I didnt write their names in the story doesnt mean that they dont exist. The average reader can’t generally sort out the most basic falsehoods from facts, so throwing out names of Rwandans you or they have never heard of doesnt serve much purpose. I name names all the time. Anyone wants to see the dirty details (names) can look , for example, at my story about Bogus Rwandan Assylum seekers and how your buddy Fergal Keane framed innocent assylum seekers.

    THE US SPONSORED ‘RWANDA GENOCIDE’ AND ITS AFTERMATH: Psychological Warfare, Embedded Reporters and the Hunting of Refugees .

    Its like saying I cant give people the names of the former US officials now on the boards of mining companies in Congo, or saying I can’t name Maurice Tempelsman’s network of diamond dealers (organized crime) in Africa just because I said : “Tempelman’s network spanned Africa and involved people of very interesting connections.” I can name them, your polemic doesnt prove anything.

    You dont work for CBC? How about “with”? Are you saying that the CBC doesnt pay you for your stories? If not then you are a bigger fool than I could possibly imagined.

    From your blog: “Last spring, after a five-week visit to Rwanda, I produced two television news pieces for the CBC.”

    And your CV says “Cheif European Correspondent CBC 1988-1991″

    Seems you worked for CBC all over the place. Seems you have a long history of being published by the establishment.

    And yes, establishment narrative means “genocide instigated by Hutu power.”

    The fact remains that you seem to waste more time complaining about me than you do exposing anything serious about western interests and plunder in Rwanda, Uganda, or Congo (for example). I don’t see anything from you of substance about that. You worked in Zaire, but where do you ever talk about kingpins like Maurice Tempelsman or John Bredenkamp or Philipe de Moerloose or BANRO, BARRICK and other Canadian mining profiteers?

    As I wrote, I don’t know what the specifics of your situation are, and I don’t care. I don’t have time for your nonsense. You are unwilling to accept any responsibility for your blindness, and expect that I (for example) should have to prove things beyond a shadow of a doubt, in great detail, in ways that you would never require of your buddy Fergal Keane or Romeo Dallaire.

    Read the ICTR trial transcripts where your fancy Canadian General Romeo Dallaire was forced (he wouldnt do it willingly) to testify at the ICTR (and he did it from a secluded office in Canada by video right? and with Canadian military in the room coaching him right? and with the utmost arrogance…)

    So, the bottom line, Claude, is that I concede. I simply dont have the energy to keep up my end of this charade of yours. If you wanted the facts they are there, in story after story, where I cite name after name.

    You just dont like the set of facts I offer, and the litany of abuses by the Tempelsman’s and Dallaire’s and Keane’s of the world. So what difference would it make if I mentioned a guy named Frank Ferrari, or not?

    blessings
    keith

  14. christopher Bizishaka said on June 11th, 2009 at 8:55am #

    Thanx for prividing such information to the public, its very upsadding though if really those major powers planned and still planning to kill innocent voulnable refugees and other people based on their ethinicity.
    Thats is totally inacceptable and would lead the world nowhere, those people resiponsible for those crimes are supposed to be brought to justice as soon as possible irrespective of their ethinicity, race or their originarity , and be severely punnished if convicted.
    Regards,
    christopher bizishaka

  15. newgirl said on June 11th, 2009 at 4:18pm #

    Claude, when you talk about HRW and “conspiracy speak” , typical language of one who has already lost the argument dressing up as much as possible what the writer said and then criticising the bull you invented, why don’t you take a quick look at this, I think pretty well known piece of research
    http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/14804
    and tell us how all the information there is “conspiracy speak”.
    Claude, you are a piece of work. Having the gall to come on here and spread your “mainstream” media tricks and lies which we’ve all seen and are sick of! The whoring media are experts at twisting everything just like you have done here over and over.

  16. Annie said on June 22nd, 2009 at 7:51am #

    You know, I’ve read and read about DRC. I’m not sure who is who. How could one possibly understand everything unless one dedicated every waking minute to learning the names and the militias and the corporations….! One thing I know for fact, I have been to DRC. I have flown over an open pit mine. I have seen men so willing to work in a crappy mine for day, that they risk their lives just trying to get on a truck bound for a job. I know that their paychecks are held for months. I know that if they get injured they are shit-out-of-luck, their kids go hungry. I know that Congo is FULL to the brim of stuff in the ground that is making HUGE $$$$$$$ for someone, not the average Congolese. The average Congolese wants the same thing that anyone else in the world wants, healthy, educated children, a home that keeps out the cold, food that is plentiful and nourishing, access to a doctor, and clothes to wear. All the gold, and oil, and col-tan would serve the average Congolese better if it stayed in the fucking ground!!!

  17. keith harmon snow said on June 22nd, 2009 at 8:10am #

    Annie —

    .We — westerners, whites, western corporations — have to make sure that the holes are dug so the dead — poor, black, African — people can be pushed in them and covered up.

    Out of sight, out of mind.

    Anyways, please don’t use such language as FUCKING. It’s “unethical” –
    and ” immoral”.

    keith

  18. Annie said on June 22nd, 2009 at 3:10pm #

    KHS,
    I disagree that the word is unethical and immoral, I will however concede that it is vulgar and common. I don’t usually use such language, but sometimes the word is also descriptive. As you well know, the situation in Congo is bad and will get worse when we whites can only afford one new cell phone/year instead of two. What a mess indeed, the col-tan (and other resources) is what gives the average Congolese a job, but it’s what ultimately leads to the plunder of the country as well. What irony that the richest country in the world has some of the poorest people in the world. And yet…..some of the most generous, well-spoken, kind people I have ever met.

  19. keith harmon snow said on June 22nd, 2009 at 7:47pm #

    i was being ironic.

    ( It’s fine to be slaughtering people in Afghanistan, and Iraq, … but don’t you dare use such vulgar language! )